In the quarter century that has passed since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, fanciful establishment intellectuals have advanced the idea that an "end of history" has somehow arrived. The model of "democratic capitalism" is said to be the final stage in the development of political economy. It is often suggested that it is simply a matter of waiting for the rest of the world to catch up, and at that point the Western model will have achieved a final and eternal triumph. In this work, the anarchist philosopher Keith Preston expresses skepticism of these presumptions. Expounding upon the critique of modernity advanced by Friedrich Nietzsche well over a century ago, Preston argues that the historical cycle associated with the rise of modernity is winding down. The forces of globalism, liberalism, capitalism, democracy, and Americanization are closer to achieving universal hegemony than ever before. Yet Preston subjects all of these to relentless criticism, and challenges virtually every presumption of the present era's dominant ideological model. Drawing upon a wide range of ideological currents and intellectual influences, Preston observes how the hegemony of what he calls the "Anglo-American-Zionist-Wahhabist" axis is being challenged within the realm of international relations by both emerging blocks of rival states and insurgent non-state actors. Citing thinkers as diverse as Ernst Junger and Emma Goldman, Max Stirner and Alain de Benoist, Hans Hermann Hoppe and Kevin Carson, Preston offers an alternative vision of what the future of postmodern civilization might bring.

Modern anarchist movements have existed for over 150 years. The black flag of anarchy remains a symbol of political rebellion, particularly for restless or disenchanted young people. However, Keith Preston argues in this volume that anarchism has reached a crossroads as a political philosophy. He criticizes many contemporary anarchists as anachronistic, shallow, or even status quo in their thinking. It is Preston's contention that anarchist movements will have to grow intellectually and forge new strategic paths for themselves if they are to become politically relevant in the twenty-first century.

Preston offers a substantive critique of not only his fellow anarchists, but of the condition of Western civilization itself. He recognizes the process of unprecedented centralization of political and economic power that is now taking place on a global scale. Preston's response is an unhesitating call for revolutionary action against this emerging global order. He likewise offers a critique of the inadequacies of the both the Left and Right and suggests this archaic model of the political spectrum should be discarded. It is Keith Preston's contention that anarchism should reclaim the position it held over a century ago, that of the premiere revolutionary movement throughout the world.

Preston introduces his visionary tactic of "pan-secessionism" as a means of developing mutual cooperation between resistance movements with widely varying cultural and ideological values. Drawing upon an eclectic array of philosophical and historical currents, Keith Preston offers a revolutionary political vision of decentralized pluralism manifested as a world of self-managed communities.

This is the first work in English to deal comprehensively with Italian anarchism from the beginning of the century to the rise of fascism. It reconstructs the development of anarchist and syndicalist ideas and programmes and charts their relations with Gramsci and the Turin- based Ordine Nuovo group. The book places these developments within the general context of little known links connecting Italian anarchists and syndicalists to sympathizers in Britain, France, Germany and Russia. The analysis of 'libertarian' politics in Italy is accompanied by a detailed and fascinating reconstruction of the social base of Italian anarchism that challenges the assumptions of much of the political sociology of the European Left.Developing a hitherto unexplored but important aspect of Gramsci's political ideas and strategies, this book contributes to our understanding of one of the central Marxist thinkers and activists of the twentieth century and to one of the critical moments in the history of the European Left. In bringing new life and understanding to an important chapter in contemporary Italian history, this book is likely to become a standard text on this pivotal thinker.' Levy has written a major and important study [...] likely to become a standard reference text.'John Davis, University of Connecticut

Oscar Wilde deemed his life "perfect," and described him as a man with "a soul of that beautiful white Christ which seems coming out of Russia." He is PETER ALEXEYEVICH KROPOTKIN (1842-1921), communist advocate and "anarchist prince." Mutual Aid: A Factor of Evolution, first published in 1902, is his best known book. Written as a series of essays for a British literary journal, this intriguing work filters concepts of evolution through Kropotkin's appreciation for altruism and anarchy, positing cooperation not merely as a beneficial political concept but as an approach that has been-and will continue to be-vital to the long-term survival of humanity. Kropotkin explores "mutual aid" among "animals," "savages," "barbarians," and in the medieval and modern world, and also discusses nesting associations, checks to overmultiplication, adaptations to avoid competition, the origin of the family, the origin of the guilds, and other related issues. Anyone interested in the science of evolution and its influence on the shape of human societies will find this a fascinated read.

The "Encyclopedia of Political Anarchy" charts history's most misunderstood social movement. Covering political anarchy worldwide for the past 300 years, the book also examines the ancient roots of the movement, spotlights key individuals, and explores important groups, organizations, events, laws, legal cases, and theories.

More than just a reference source, "Encyclopedia of Political Anarchy" also tells the interesting story of sophisticated and complex social and philosophical forces that left their mark on the world--from the 13th century Free Spirit movement against the oppressive power of the church in France to the present-day Zapatista National Liberation Army in Mexico.

This selected and annotated bibliography reflects the growing interest among scholars in anarchist thinkers and thought. This guide to primarily English sources, over a lengthy period of time, is fully annotated. It covers works by and about major anarchist thinkers, philosophers, and others who are important or are on the margins of anarchist or liberal theory. The bibliography also describes important sources of information about the anarchist experience in 18 countries around the world. This reference, by Australian scholars who made extensive computer searches, inter-library loans, and research trips on three continents, provides useful listings of books, journals, theses, bibliographies, and other sources of information. The volume is carefully indexed to authors, thinkers, activists, and varied subjects.

The Conquest of Bread is Peter Kropotkin's famous critique of capitalism, wherein he excoriates that system in favor of anarcho-communism; a form of government he believed could ensure fairness for all. Kropotkin had an alternate vision of the way society, work, and population should be organized - in The Conquest of Bread, he interweaves his plans for a social revolution with critiques of the prevailing orthodoxy. We receive outlines of how his propositions will eliminate poverty and scarcity - conditions Kropotkin believed were artificially enforced in order to maintain control upon the working populace. As a philosopher and scientist, Peter Kropotkin abhorred the manner in which abject poverty characterized industrialized society. He also held a great resentment for centralized authority of government and the owners of capital, which he felt acted in concert to undermine the majority of humanity.

Utopianism and radicalism achieve greater prominence when economic and social crises render the dominant moral and political universe open to question. The essays in this book examine how utopianism and radicalism informed the literary expressions, political discourse, communal experiments, and cultural projects in the U.S. from 1888 to 1918. In particular, these essays track how socialism, anarchism, syndicalism, feminism, and black nationalism contested the ideological terrain during a period when reform ideas and movements were beginning to reshape that terrain. The degree to which utopianism and radicalism were involved in that reformulation, either in its expanse or its constraint, is of prime interest throughout the book. Teachers and students interested in utopian studies, American studies, and the cultural/intellectual history of the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era will find this book highly useful.

This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open Access programme and is available on www.bloomsburycollections.com. Concealing the state frees us from admitting the unpleasant truth-in today's world we are utterly dependent upon the state's increasingly frantic efforts to control risk. To this end, states have created systems of coercion and surveillance that are difficult to reconcile with our theories of political legitimacy. The dominant ideology of contemporary politics has become the concealment of the state's overwhelming power and role in daily life. We prefer the comfortable illusion that we are autonomous individuals pursuing our plans in a free market. If we hold fast to that idea, then our distance from policy makers and dwindling political influence seems less important. Nonetheless, this book draws upon the anarchist tradition and a wide range of accessible policy examples (ranging from military organization and environmental regulations to scientific investment and education) to reveal the active role of contemporary states behind this ideological screen. Lindsey argues that we need a new politics that focuses on exposing and challenging the contemporary state's hidden agency. Otherwise, how can we democratically control the state when it denies, from the outset, having the ability to meet our demands?

In the late 19th and early 20th century, anarchism was the most feared revolutionary movement in the world. However, by the late 20th century anarchism was eclipsed by the rise of the modern totalitarian states, world wars, and the emergence of technocratic managerial economies. Meanwhile, anarchists have failed to provide alternatives to this dominant form of political economy.

In this work, the anarchist theoretician Keith Preston places the blame for these failures on the shoulders of his fellow anarchists. He criticizes the contemporary anarchist movement for having degenerated into a fashionable youth culture that has lost the ferocity of historic anarchism. Instead, present day anarchists are more likely to serve as the lackeys of political correctness than the vanguard of revolution.

Preston discusses the possibility of new directions for modern anarchists. These include the formation of strategic alliances for the purpose of overthrowing states, ruling classes, and empires by means of the visionary concept of pan-secessionism. He recognizes that anti-state revolutionaries will eventually need to achieve victory through "fourth generation warfare" i.e. an insurgency on the model of groups like Hezbollah or the Peoples War Group.

Further, Preston argues that the social base of anarchism should not be fanciful intellectuals or privileged-class university students. Instead, the foundation of revolutionary struggle should be the "lumpenproletariat" of the permanently unemployed, the dispossessed, the prisoner, the prostitute, and the homeless. Preston subsequently surveys a plethora of trends that provide a basis for anarchist optimism.

This study examines one organization from the radical left of the 1920s and 1930s: the American Fund for Public Service. Little known today, but infamous in its time, the American Fund represented a united front of anticapitalists--anarchists, socialists, communists, and left-liberals--which attempted to revitalize the left in order to end capitalism and, therefore, war. Financed by Charles Garland, an eccentric, 21-year-old Harvard dropout, the Fund performed the difficult task of allocating relatively meager resources among the most promising radical ventures, typically militant labor organizations. The philanthropy's directors represented a who's who of the labor left of the period: Roger Baldwin, Norman Thomas, Scott Nearing, James Weldon Johnson, and more. The fund anticipated philanthropies later in the century which meant to challenge the status quo beyond reformism. This study will be of interest to scholars of labor relations, radical politics, American history, and philanthropy.

Anarchist, journalist, drama critic, advocate of birth control and free love, Emma Goldman was the most famous - and notorious - woman in the early twentieth century. This abridged version of her two-volume autobiography takes her from her birthplace in czarist Russia to the socialist enclaves of Manhattan's Lower East Side. Against a dramatic backdrop of political argument, show trials, imprisonment, and tempestuous romances, Goldman chronicles the epoch that she helped shape: the reform movements of the Progressive Era, the early years of and later disillusionment with Lenin's Bolshevik experiment, and more. Sounding a call still heard today, "Living My Life" is a riveting account of political ferment and ideological turbulence.

Although marginal as a political force, anarchist ideas developed in Britain into a political tradition. This book explores this lost history, offering a new appraisal of the work of Kropotkin and Read, and examining the ways in which they endeavoured to articulate a politics fit for the particular challenges of Britain's modern history.

Anarchism has seldom had good press, and anarchists have always faced resistance to their political philosophy. Despite this, "21st Century Dissent" contends that anarchism has considerably influenced the modern political landscape. Giorel Curran explores the contemporary face of anarchism as expressed via environmental protests and the anti-globalization movement. She contends that anti-capitalist protest has propelled an invigorated - but reconceptualized - anarchism into the heart of 21st century dissent.

The influence of anarchists such as Proudhon and Bakunin is apparent in Jean-Paul Sartres' political writings, from his early works of the 1920s to Critique of Dialectical Reason, his largest political piece. Yet, scholarly debate overwhelmingly concludes that his political philosophy is a Marxist one. In this landmark study, William L. Remley sheds new light on the crucial role of anarchism in Sartre's writing, arguing that it fundamentally underpins the body of his political work. Sartre's political philosophy has been infrequently studied and neglected in recent years. Introducing newly translated material from his early oeuvre, as well as providing a fresh perspective on his colossal Critique of Dialectical Reason, this book is a timely re-invigoration of this topic. It is only in understanding Sartre's anarchism that one can appreciate the full meaning not only of the Critique, but of Sartre's entire political philosophy. This book sets forth an entirely new approach to Sartre's political philosophy by arguing that it espouses a far more radical anarchist position than has been previously attributed to it. In doing so, Jean-Paul Sartre's Anarchist Philosophy not only fills an important gap in Sartre scholarship but also initiates a much needed revision of twentieth century thought from an anarchist perspective.

This collection explores the nature and role of ethics within anarchist thought and practice, examining normative, meta-ethical and applied ethical issues through some of the theoretical insights of anarchism. It comprises contributions from international scholars working within the fields of philosophy and political theory.

The high ideals of anarchism have inspired generations of activists and political thinkers for over a century and a half, winning respect from even the fiercest of opponents. As the 'conscience of politics', anarchism's opposition to all forms of power and its emphasis on responsibility and self-determination has provided a constant benchmark for other areas of political philosophy and practice. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, with popular movements challenging the logic of globalisation, Western military imperialism and the assumptions of 'democratic' governments, anarchist theory and practice has once again made its presence felt. 'Changing anarchism', finally available in paperback, documents the links between these movements and contemporary anarchism and demonstrates how anarchist ideas are evolving in a global age. In particular, the book examines strands within anarchism concerned with technology, the environment and identity, and suggests that these are useful sociological tools for understanding the pervasive and interconnected nature of power. The contributors also offer practical insight into how power is being resisted in a variety of social and political contexts and how anarchist ideals are impacting on many different areas of everyday life. The balance of activist perspectives on anti-capitalism, sexuality, narcotics, education and mental health, combined with theoretical material drawn from post-structuralism, ecologism, the complexity sciences and social movement theory, ensures that Changing Anarchism will appeal to the general reader as well as to students of politics, sociology and cultural studies.