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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political ideologies > Anarchism
Professor Avrich records the history of the anarchist movement from
its Russian origins in the 19th century, with a full discussion of
Bakunin and Kropotkin, to its upsurge in the 1905 and 1917 Social
Democratic Revolutions, and its decline and fall after the
Bolshevik Revolution. While analyzing the role of the anarchists in
these fateful years, he traces the close relationships between the
anarchists and the Bolsheviks and shows that the Revolutions were
conceived in spontaneity and idealism and ended in cynical
repression. The Russian anarchists saw clearly the consequences of
a Marxist "dictatorship of the proletariat" and, though they had no
single cohesive organization, repeatedly warned that the Bolsheviks
aimed to replace the tyranny of the tsars with a tyranny of
commissars. Originally published in 1967. The Princeton Legacy
Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make
available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished
backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the
original texts of these important books while presenting them in
durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton
Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly
heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton
University Press since its founding in 1905.
Statism and Anarchy is a complete English translation of the last work by the great Russian anarchist Michael Bakunin. It was written in 1873, in the aftermath of the rise of the German Empire and the clash between Bakunin and Karl Marx in the first International. Bakunin assesses the strength of a European state system dominated by Bismarck. Then, in the most remarkable part of the book, he assails the Marxist alternative, predicting that a "dictatorship of the proletariat" will in fact be a dictatorship over the proletariat, and will produce a new class of socialist rulers. Instead, he outlines his vision of an anarchist society and identifies the social forces he believes will achieve an ananarchist revolution. Statism and Anarchy had an immediate influence on the "to the people" movement of Russian populism, and Bakunin's ideas inspired other anarchist movements. This is the only complete and reliable rendition of Statism and Anarchy in English, and in a lucid introduction Marshall Shatz locates Bakunin in his immediate historical and intellectual context, and assesses the impact of his ideas on the wider development of European radical thought. A guide to further reading and a chronology of events are appended as aids to students encountering Bakunin's thought for the first time.
"A definitive history of the case...notable alike for its clarity
and its fairness...Professors Joughin and Morgan conclude that
Sacco and Vanzetti were the victims of a sick society, in which
prejudice, chauvinism, hysteria, and malice were endemic. Few who
will read this moving work will doubt that they have proved their
point."--The New York Times "This was not merely a trial in court
nor even a sociological phenomenon in the history of the United
States. It was a spiritual experience and setback which only a
fundamentally healthy America could have endured...What influence
was it that brought such world figures as Clarence Darrow, William
Borah, H.G. Wells, Arnold Bennett, Edna St. Vincent Millay, George
Bernard Shaw, Arthur Brisbane, William Allen White, Fritz Kreisler,
Albert Einstein and others to plead for men entirely unknown to
them? Joughin and Morgan tell you why with the clarity and
thoroughness of scholars and with the authority which their long
study, impartiality, and sincerity assure and guarantee. It is a
book that will excite and anger you."--The New Republic Originally
published in 1978. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest
print-on-demand technology to again make available previously
out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton
University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of
these important books while presenting them in durable paperback
and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is
to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in
the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press
since its founding in 1905.
Translating Anarchy tells the story of the anti-capitalist
anti-authoritarians of Occupy Wall Street who strategically
communicated their revolutionary politics to the public in a way
that was both accessible and revolutionary. By "translating" their
ideas into everyday concepts like community empowerment and
collective needs, these anarchists sparked the most dynamic
American social movement in decades.
Historians have frequently portrayed Italian anarchism as a
marginal social movement that was doomed to succumb to its own
ideological contradictions once Italian society modernized.
Challenging such conventional interpretations, Nunzio Pernicone
provides a sympathetic but critical treatment of Italian anarchism
that traces the movement's rise, transformation, and decline from
1864 to 1892. Based on original archival research, his book depicts
the anarchists as unique and fascinating revolutionaries who were
an important component of the Italian socialist left throughout the
nineteenth century and beyond.
Anarchism in Italy arose under the influence of the Russian
revolutionary Bakunin, triumphed over Marxism as the dominant form
of early Italian socialism, and supplanted Mazzinianism as Italy's
revolutionary vanguard. After forming a national federation of the
Anti-Authoritarian International in 1872, the Italian anarchists
attempted several insurrections, but their organization was
suppressed. By the 1880s the movement had become atomized,
ideologically extreme, and increasingly isolated from the masses.
Its foremost leader, Errico Malatesta, attempted repeatedly to
revitalize the anarchists as a revolutionary force, but internal
dissension and government repression stifled every resurgence and
plunged the movement into decline. Even after their exclusion from
the Italian Socialist Party in 1892, the anarchists remained an
intermittently active and influential element on the Italian
socialist left. As such, they continued to be feared and persecuted
by every Italian government.
Originally published in 1993.
The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand
technology to again make available previously out-of-print books
from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press.
These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these
important books while presenting them in durable paperback
editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly
increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the
thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since
its founding in 1905.
In this updated collection of essays, Zerzan explores the
understanding of how we got here and the actual depth of the human
plight to struggle for a qualitatively better reality. Originally
published in 1994, this edition includes all-new material from the
well regarded philosopher.
Sculptors Against the State considers the relation of anarchist
ideology to avant-garde sculpture through an examination of three
iconic artists whose work transformed European modernism: Umberto
Boccioni, Jacob Epstein, and Henri Gaudier-Brzeska. Addressing such
complex subjects as sexual liberation, homosexuality, the history
of emotions, the ethics of violence, and tactics of nonviolent
resistance, Mark Antliff demonstrates how sculptural processes were
shaped by forms of anarchism calculated to foster a radical
community. The anarchist view that the State is a state of mind and
a set of social relationships is a central theme Antliff uses to
explore not only the art of Boccioni, Epstein, and Gaudier-Brzeska
but the associated aesthetics of radical luminaries such as Oscar
Wilde, F. T. Marinetti, and Ezra Pound. Taking Boccioni’s Unique
Forms of Continuity in Space, Epstein’s Tomb of Oscar Wilde, and
Gaudier-Brzeska’s Hieratic Head of Ezra Pound as a starting
point, Antliff argues that these sculptors saw the arts as a
radical catalyst for an entirely new constellation of interpersonal
relations and psychological dispositions—ones antithetical to
those propagated by the State. Powerfully argued and informed by
extensive archival research, Sculptors Against the State provides a
new understanding of these artists, even as it sheds light on why
contemporary anarchist theory is necessary for understanding the
profound cultural impact modernism had during the twentieth
century. Antliff’s work will be of interest to students and
scholars of modernist art and literature, and particularly those
who study the intersections between artistic practice and politics.
What is the relevance of anarchism for politics and political
theory today? While many have in the past dismissed anarchism, the
author contends that anarchism's heretical critique of authority,
and its insistence on full equality and liberty, places it at the
forefront of the radical political imagination today. With the
unprecedented expansion of state power in the name of security, the
current 'crisis of capitalism', and the terminal decline of Marxist
and social democratic projects, it is time to reconsider anarchism
as a form of politics. This book seeks to renew anarchist thought
through the concept of postanarchism. This innovative theoretical
approach, drawing upon classical anarchist theory,
poststructuralism, post-Marxism, critical theory and psychoanalytic
approaches, allows for a new engagement with contemporary debates
about future directions in radical politics relating to political
subjectivity and identity, political organisation, the State,
globalisation, liberty and equality today, and the political
'event'.
Penned by Chilean anarchist Jeszs Sepzlveda, "The Garden of
Peculiarities is a substantial 21st-century anarchist essay.
Previously published in Spanish and Portuguese, it makes the case
for neo-primitivism, or green anarchy, as the best tool for
activists battling mega-corporate globalization. Written in terse,
pointed prose, the book thoughtfully analyzes the deficiencies of
postindustrial culture and explores the best human and
plant-centered alternatives for dealing with them.
A new and unabridged translation of the definitive biography of
Spanish revolutionary and strategist Buenaventura Durruti. Abel Paz
has given us much more than an account of a single man's life -
this hefty tome is a chronicle of an entire nation and of a
tumultuous historical era.Paz was an eye-witness to crucial events
of the time, and here provides a page-turning adventure story that
is also a detailed and absolutely indispensable historical
document.This edition includes an afterword by Jose Luis Gutierrez
Molina on Abel Paz's life and the historiography of the Spanish
Revolution. Translated by Chuck Morse."
Peter Kropotkin's philosophy of anarchism suffers from neglect in
mainstream histories; misrepresented as a utopian creed or a recipe
for social chaos and political disorder, the intellectual strengths
and philosophical integrity is overlooked. Moving beyond most
previous accounts of Kropotkin's anarchism, Mac Laughlin focuses
less on the man and his political career, instead providing a
sustained and critical reading of his extensive writings on the
social, historical and scientific basis of modern anarchism. The
result is a thorough examination of a number of key themes in
Kropotkin's philosophy of anarchism, including his concerted
efforts to provide anarchism with an historical and scientific
basis; the role of mutualism and mutual aid in social evolution and
natural history; the ethics of anarchism, and the anarchist
critique of state-centred nationalism and other expressions of
power politics.
Published originally in 1975, "The Limits of Liberty" made James
Buchanan's name more widely known than ever before among political
philosophers and theorists and established Buchanan, along with
John Rawls and Robert Nozick, as one of the three new
contractarians, standing on the shoulders of Hobbes, Locke, and
Kant. While "The Limits of Liberty" is strongly related to
Buchanan's "Calculus of Consent", it is logically prior to the
Calculus, according to Helmut Kliemt in the foreword, even though
it was published later. Buchanan frames the central idea most
cogently in the opening of his preface: "Precepts for living
together are not going to be handed down from on high. Men must use
their own intelligence in imposing order on chaos, intelligence not
in scientific problem-solving but in the more difficult sense of
finding and maintaining agreement among themselves. Anarchy is
ideal for ideal men; passionate men must be reasonable. Like so
many men have done before me, I examine the bases for a society of
men and women who want to be free but who recognise the inherent
limits that social interdependence places on them".
The Anarchist Roots of Geography sets the stage for a radical
politics of possibility and freedom through a discussion of the
insurrectionary geographies that suffuse our daily experiences. By
embracing anarchist geographies as kaleidoscopic spatialities that
allow for nonhierarchical connections between autonomous entities,
Simon Springer configures a new political imagination.
Experimentation in and through space is the story of humanity's
place on the planet, and the stasis and control that now supersede
ongoing organizing experiments are an affront to our survival.
Singular ontological modes that favor one particular way of doing
things disavow geography by failing to understand the spatial as a
mutable assemblage intimately bound to temporality. Even worse,
such stagnant ideas often align to the parochial interests of an
elite minority and thereby threaten to be our collective undoing.
What is needed is the development of new relationships with our
world and, crucially, with each other. By infusing our geographies
with anarchism we unleash a spirit of rebellion that foregoes a
politics of waiting for change to come at the behest of elected
leaders and instead engages new possibilities of mutual aid through
direct action now. We can no longer accept the decaying, archaic
geographies of hierarchy that chain us to statism, capitalism,
gender domination, racial oppression, and imperialism. We must
reorient geographical thinking towards anarchist horizons of
possibility. Geography must become beautiful, wherein the entirety
of its embrace is aligned to emancipation.
In 1971 Dr. Theodore Kaczynski rejected modern society and moved to
a primitive cabin in the woods of Montana. There, he began building
bombs, which he sent to professors and executives to express his
disdain for modern society, and to work on his magnum opus,
Industrial Society and Its Future, forever known to the world as
the Unabomber Manifesto. Responsible for three deaths and more than
twenty casualties over two decades, he was finally identifed and
apprehended when his brother recognized his writing style while
reading the 'Unabomber Manifesto.' The piece, written under the
pseudonym FC (Freedom Club) was published in the New York Times
after his promise to cease the bombing if a major publication
printed it in its entirety.
Anarchists who supported the Cuban War for Independence in the
1890s launched a transnational network linking radical leftists
from their revolutionary hub in Havana, Cuba to South Florida,
Puerto Rico, Panama, the Panama Canal Zone, and beyond. Over three
decades, anarchists migrated around the Caribbean and back and
forth to the US, printed fiction and poetry promoting their
projects, transferred money and information across political
borders for a variety of causes, and attacked (verbally and
physically) the expansion of US imperialism in the 'American
Mediterranean'. In response, US security officials forged their own
transnational anti-anarchist campaigns with officials across the
Caribbean. In this sweeping new history, Kirwin R. Shaffer brings
together research in anarchist politics, transnational networks,
radical journalism and migration studies to illustrate how men and
women throughout the Caribbean basin and beyond sought to shape a
counter-globalization initiative to challenge the emergence of
modern capitalism and US foreign policy whilst rejecting
nationalist projects and Marxist state socialism.
Christian anarchists such as Leo Tolstoy, Jacques Ellul and Dave
Andrews offer a compelling critique of the state, the church and
the economy based on numerous passages from the New Testament. This
study brings together these different thinkers and presents
Christian anarchism to both the wider public and the wider academic
community.
An urgent critique of the biopolitical subject and omnipresent
Empire. Historical conflict no longer opposes two massive molar
heaps, two classes-the exploited and the exploiters, the dominant
and dominated, managers and workers-between which, in each
individual case, it would be possible to differentiate. The front
line no longer cuts through the middle of society; it now runs
through each one of us... "-from This Is Not a Program Traditional
lines of revolutionary struggle no longer hold. Rather, it is
ubiquitous cybernetics, surveillance, and terror that create the
illusion of difference within hegemony. Configurations of dissent
and the rhetoric of revolution are merely the other face of
capital, conforming identities to empty predicates, ensuring that
even "thieves," "saboteurs," and "terrorists" no longer exceed the
totalizing space of Empire. This Is Not a Program offers two texts,
both originally published in French by Tiqqun with Introduction to
Civil War in 2001. In This Is Not a Program, Tiqqun outlines a new
path for resistance and struggle in the age of Empire, one that
eschews the worn-out example of France's May '68 in favor of what
they consider to be the still fruitful and contemporary
insurrectionary movements in Italy of the 1970s. "As a Science of
Apparatuses" examines the way Empire has enforced on the subject a
veritable metaphysics of isolation and pacification, "apparatuses"
that include chairs, desks, computers; surveillance (security
guards, cameras); disease (depression); crutch (cell phone, lover,
sedative); and authority. Tiqqun's critique of the biopolitical
subject and omnipresent Empire is all the more urgent as we become
inured to the permanent state of exception that is the War on
Terror and to other, no less intimate forms of pacification. But
all is not lost. In its unrelenting production of the Same, Empire
itself creates the conditions necessary for the insurrection to
come.
"A deep and provocative discussion of some of the most fundamental
issues in political philosophy, written crisply, with candor, in a
style that I find very winning. It is a most useful book, and a
very good one."--Carl Cohen, author of "Communism, Fascism, and
Democracy
"A provocative and engrossing introduction to current questions
of political legitimacy, consent, deliberative democracy, the basis
of majority rule, workers collectives, etc., that have been taken
up by contemporary political theorists."--Georgia Warnke, author of
"Justice and Interpretation
Published originally in 1975, "The Limits of Liberty" made James
Buchanans name more widely known than ever before among political
philosophers and theorists and established Buchanan, along with
John Rawls and Robert Nozick, as one of the three new
contractarians, standing on the shoulders of Hobbes, Locke, and
Kant. While "The Limits of Liberty" is strongly related to
Buchanans "Calculus of Consent", it is logically prior to the
Calculus, according to Helmut Kliemt in the foreword, even though
it was published later. Buchanan frames the central idea most
cogently in the opening of his preface: "Precepts for living
together are not going to be handed down from on high. Men must use
their own intelligence in imposing order on chaos, intelligence not
in scientific problem-solving but in the more difficult sense of
finding and maintaining agreement among themselves. Anarchy is
ideal for ideal men; passionate men must be reasonable. Like so
many men have done before me, I examine the bases for a society of
men and women who want to be free but who recognise the inherent
limits that social interdependence places on them".
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