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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political ideologies > Anarchism
Published originally in 1975, "The Limits of Liberty" made James
Buchanan's name more widely known than ever before among political
philosophers and theorists and established Buchanan, along with
John Rawls and Robert Nozick, as one of the three new
contractarians, standing on the shoulders of Hobbes, Locke, and
Kant. While "The Limits of Liberty" is strongly related to
Buchanan's "Calculus of Consent", it is logically prior to the
Calculus, according to Helmut Kliemt in the foreword, even though
it was published later. Buchanan frames the central idea most
cogently in the opening of his preface: "Precepts for living
together are not going to be handed down from on high. Men must use
their own intelligence in imposing order on chaos, intelligence not
in scientific problem-solving but in the more difficult sense of
finding and maintaining agreement among themselves. Anarchy is
ideal for ideal men; passionate men must be reasonable. Like so
many men have done before me, I examine the bases for a society of
men and women who want to be free but who recognise the inherent
limits that social interdependence places on them".
Through his many books on the history of anarchism, Paul Avrich
has done much to dispel the public's conception of the anarchists
as mere terrorists. In "Anarchist Voices, " Avrich lets American
anarchists speak for themselves. This abridged edition contains
fifty-three interviews conducted by Avrich over a period of thirty
years, interviews that portray the human dimensions of a movement
much maligned by the authorities and contemporary journalists. Most
of the interviewees (anarchists as well as their friends and
relatives) were active during the heyday of the movement, between
the 1880s and the 1930s. They represent all schools of anarchism
and include both famous figures and minor ones, previously
overlooked by most historians. Their stories provide a wealth of
personal detail about such anarchist luminaries as Emma Goldman and
Sacco and Vanzetti.
This volume collects the complete ten issues of the paper Black
Mask (produced from 1966-1967 by Ben Morea and Ron Hahne), together
with a generous collection of the leaflets, articles, and flyers
generated by Black Mask and UAW/MF, the UAW/MF Magazine, and both
the Free Press and Rolling Stone reports on UAW/MF. A lengthy
interview with founder Ben Morea provides context and color to this
fascinating documentary legacy of NYC's now-legendary provocateurs.
Anarchists who supported the Cuban War for Independence in the
1890s launched a transnational network linking radical leftists
from their revolutionary hub in Havana, Cuba to South Florida,
Puerto Rico, Panama, the Panama Canal Zone, and beyond. Over three
decades, anarchists migrated around the Caribbean and back and
forth to the US, printed fiction and poetry promoting their
projects, transferred money and information across political
borders for a variety of causes, and attacked (verbally and
physically) the expansion of US imperialism in the 'American
Mediterranean'. In response, US security officials forged their own
transnational anti-anarchist campaigns with officials across the
Caribbean. In this sweeping new history, Kirwin R. Shaffer brings
together research in anarchist politics, transnational networks,
radical journalism and migration studies to illustrate how men and
women throughout the Caribbean basin and beyond sought to shape a
counter-globalization initiative to challenge the emergence of
modern capitalism and US foreign policy whilst rejecting
nationalist projects and Marxist state socialism.
'To a rational being there can be but one rule of conduct, justice,
and one mode of ascertaining that rule, the exercise of his
understanding.' Godwin's Political Justice is the founding text of
philosophical anarchism. Written in the immediate aftermath of the
French Revolution, it exemplifies the political optimism felt by
many writers and intellectuals. Godwin drew on enlightenment ideas
and his background in religious dissent for the principles of
justice, utility, and the sanctity of individual judgement that
drove his powerful critique of all forms of secular and religious
authority. He predicts the triumph of justice and equality over
injustice, and of mind over matter, and the eventual vanquishing of
human frailty and mortality. He also foresees the gradual
elimination of practices governing property, punishment, law, and
marriage and the displacement of politics by an expanded personal
morality resulting from reasoned argument and candid discussion.
Political Justice raises deep philosophical questions about the
nature of our duty to others that remain central to modern debates
on ethics and politics. This edition reprints the first-edition
text of 1793, and examines Godwin's evolving philosophy in the
context of his life and work. ABOUT THE SERIES: For over 100 years
Oxford World's Classics has made available the widest range of
literature from around the globe. Each affordable volume reflects
Oxford's commitment to scholarship, providing the most accurate
text plus a wealth of other valuable features, including expert
introductions by leading authorities, helpful notes to clarify the
text, up-to-date bibliographies for further study, and much more.
This book is about the possibility of organising society without
the state, but, crucially, it makes the claim, contrary to much
anarchist theory, that such a life would not entail absolute
freedom; rather, as the title suggests, it would mean creating new
forms of social organisation which, whilst offering more freedom
than state-capitalism, would nonetheless still entail certain
limits to freedom. In making this argument, a secondary point is
made, which highlights the book s originality; namely, that, whilst
anarchism is defended by an increasing number of radicals, the
reality of what an anarchist society might look like, and the
problems that such a society might encounter, are rarely discussed
or acknowledged, either in academic or activist writings."
Repeated intelligence failures in Iraq, Libya and across the Middle
East and North Africa have left many critics searching for a
smoking gun. Amidst questions of who misread - or manipulated - the
intel, a fundamental truth goes unaddressed: western intelligence
is not designed to understand the world. In fact, it cannot. In The
Covert Colour Line, Oliver Kearns shows how the catastrophic
mistakes made by British and US intelligence services since 9/11
are underpinned by orientalist worldviews and racist assumptions
forged in the crucible of Cold War-era colonial retreat.
Understanding this historical context is vital to explaining why
anglophone state intelligence is unable to grasp the motives and
international solidarities of 'adversaries'. Offering a new way of
seeing how intelligence contributes to world inequalities, and
drawing on a wealth of recently declassified materials, Kearns
argues that intelligence agencies’ imagination of 'non-Western'
states and geopolitics fundamentally shaped British intelligence
assessments which would underpin the 2003 invasion of Iraq and
subsequent interventions.
**Longlisted for The Telegraph Sports Book Awards 2021 - Football
Book of the Year** FC St. Pauli is a football club unlike any
other. Encompassing music, sport and politics, its fans welcome
refugees, fight fascists and take a stand against all forms of
discrimination. This book goes behind the skull and crossbones
emblem to tell the story of a football club rewriting the rulebook.
Since the club's beginnings in Hamburg's red-light district, the
chants, banners and atmosphere of the stadium have been dictated by
the politics of the streets. Promotions are celebrated and
relegations commiserated alongside social struggles, workers'
protests and resistance to Nazism. In recent years, people have
flocked from all over the world to join the Black Bloc in the
stands of the Millerntor Stadium and while in the 1980s the club
had a small DIY punk following, now there are almost 30,000 in
attendance at games with supporters across the world. In a sporting
landscape governed by corporate capitalism, driven by revenue and
divorced from community, FC St. Pauli demonstrate that another
football is possible.
'One has often wondered whether upon the whole earth there is
anything so unintelligent, so unapt to perceive how the world is
really going, as an ordinary young Englishman of our upper class.'
Poet, education reformer, social theorist and passionate critic of
Victorian England, Matthew Arnold condemned an industrial society
in 'bondage to machinery' and argued instead that the wonder and
joy of culture - in particular the 'sweetness and light' of
classical civilization - were essential to human life. The other
pieces here, on literary criticism, schools, France, journalism and
democracy, form a powerful call to arms from a writer who believed
that the English needed to be taught not what to think, but how to
think. Edited with an introduction by P. J. Keating.
Historians have frequently portrayed Italian anarchism as a
marginal social movement that was doomed to succumb to its own
ideological contradictions once Italian society modernized.
Challenging such conventional interpretations, Nunzio Pernicone
provides a sympathetic but critical treatment of Italian anarchism
that traces the movement's rise, transformation, and decline from
1864 to 1892. Based on original archival research, his book depicts
the anarchists as unique and fascinating revolutionaries who were
an important component of the Italian socialist left throughout the
nineteenth century and beyond. Anarchism in Italy arose under the
influence of the Russian revolutionary Bakunin, triumphed over
Marxism as the dominant form of early Italian socialism, and
supplanted Mazzinianism as Italy's revolutionary vanguard. After
forming a national federation of the Anti-Authoritarian
International in 1872, the Italian anarchists attempted several
insurrections, but their organization was suppressed. By the 1880s
the movement had become atomized, ideologically extreme, and
increasingly isolated from the masses. Its foremost leader, Errico
Malatesta, attempted repeatedly to revitalize the anarchists as a
revolutionary force, but internal dissension and government
repression stifled every resurgence and plunged the movement into
decline. Even after their exclusion from the Italian Socialist
Party in 1892, the anarchists remained an intermittently active and
influential element on the Italian socialist left. As such, they
continued to be feared and persecuted by every Italian government.
Originally published in 1993. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the
latest print-on-demand technology to again make available
previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of
Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original
texts of these important books while presenting them in durable
paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy
Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage
found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University
Press since its founding in 1905.
"A definitive history of the case...notable alike for its clarity
and its fairness...Professors Joughin and Morgan conclude that
Sacco and Vanzetti were the victims of a sick society, in which
prejudice, chauvinism, hysteria, and malice were endemic. Few who
will read this moving work will doubt that they have proved their
point."--The New York Times "This was not merely a trial in court
nor even a sociological phenomenon in the history of the United
States. It was a spiritual experience and setback which only a
fundamentally healthy America could have endured...What influence
was it that brought such world figures as Clarence Darrow, William
Borah, H.G. Wells, Arnold Bennett, Edna St. Vincent Millay, George
Bernard Shaw, Arthur Brisbane, William Allen White, Fritz Kreisler,
Albert Einstein and others to plead for men entirely unknown to
them? Joughin and Morgan tell you why with the clarity and
thoroughness of scholars and with the authority which their long
study, impartiality, and sincerity assure and guarantee. It is a
book that will excite and anger you."--The New Republic Originally
published in 1978. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest
print-on-demand technology to again make available previously
out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton
University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of
these important books while presenting them in durable paperback
and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is
to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in
the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press
since its founding in 1905.
Andalusian anarchism was a grassroots movement of peasants and
workers that flourished in Cadiz Province, the richest
sherry-producing area in the world, from about 1868 to 1903. This
study focuses on the social and economic context of the movement,
and argues that traditional interpretations of anarchism as
irrational, spontaneous, or millenarian are not justified. The
extensive archival research undertaken for this book leads Temma
Kaplan to a major reinterpretation of the nature of anarchism.
Using the police reports in local archives to reconstruct the lives
of more than three hundred rank-and-file anarchists, Temma Kaplan
shows that the Andalusian movement was highly organized and
dedicated to defending the interests of workers and peasants
through a wide variety of organizations. These included trade
unions, workers' circles, and women's societies, all of which
favored general strikes and insurrections rather than terrorism.
Originally published in 1977. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the
latest print-on-demand technology to again make available
previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of
Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original
texts of these important books while presenting them in durable
paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy
Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage
found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University
Press since its founding in 1905.
The Sacco-Vanzetti affair is the most famous and controversial
case in American legal history. It divided the nation in the 1920s,
and it has continued to arouse deep emotions, giving rise to an
enormous literature. Few writers, however, have consulted anarchist
sources for the wealth of information available there about the
movement of which the defendants were a part. Now Paul Avrich, the
preeminent American scholar of anarchism, looks at the case from
this new and valuable perspective. This book treats a dramatic and
hitherto neglected aspect of the "cause celebre" that raised,
according to Edmund Wilson, "almost every fundamental question of
our political and social system.""
Explores Deleuze and Guattari's own diverse conceptions of
anarchism and expands it in the spirit of their philosophy This
collection of 13 essays addresses and explores Deleuze and
Guattari's relationship to the notion of anarchism: in the diverse
ways that they conceived of and referred to it throughout their
work, and also more broadly in terms of the spirit of their
philosophy and in their critique of capitalism and the State. Both
Deleuze and Guattari were deeply affected by the events of May '68
and an anarchist sensibility permeates their philosophy. However,
they never explicitly sustained a discussion of anarchism in their
work. Their concept of anarchism is diverse and they referred to in
very different senses throughout their writings. This is the first
collection to bring Deleuze and Guattari together with anarchism in
a focused and sustained way.
Professor Avrich records the history of the anarchist movement from
its Russian origins in the 19th century, with a full discussion of
Bakunin and Kropotkin, to its upsurge in the 1905 and 1917 Social
Democratic Revolutions, and its decline and fall after the
Bolshevik Revolution. While analyzing the role of the anarchists in
these fateful years, he traces the close relationships between the
anarchists and the Bolsheviks and shows that the Revolutions were
conceived in spontaneity and idealism and ended in cynical
repression. The Russian anarchists saw clearly the consequences of
a Marxist "dictatorship of the proletariat" and, though they had no
single cohesive organization, repeatedly warned that the Bolsheviks
aimed to replace the tyranny of the tsars with a tyranny of
commissars. Originally published in 1967. The Princeton Legacy
Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make
available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished
backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the
original texts of these important books while presenting them in
durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton
Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly
heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton
University Press since its founding in 1905.
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