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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political ideologies > Anarchism
This book follows the life of Ivan Aguéli, the artist, anarchist,
and esotericist, notable as one of the earliest Western
intellectuals to convert to Islam and to explore Sufism. This book
explores different aspects of his life and activities, revealing
each facet of Aguéli’s complex personality in its own right. It
then shows how esotericism, art, and anarchism finally found their
fulfillment in Sufi Islam. The authors analyze how Aguéli’s life
and conversion show that Islam occupied a more central place in
modern European intellectual history than is generally realized.
His life reflects several major modern intellectual, political, and
cultural trends. This book is an important contribution to
understanding how he came to Islam, the values and influences that
informed his life, and—ultimately—the role he played in the
modern Western reception of Islam.
How can we be sure the oppressed do not become oppressors in their
turn? How can we create a feminism that doesn't turn into yet
another tool for oppression? It has become commonplace to argue
that, in order to fight the subjugation of women, we have to unpack
the ways different forms of oppression intersect with one another:
class, race, gender, sexuality, disability, and ecology, to name
only a few. By arguing that there is no single factor, or arche,
explaining the oppression of women, Chiara Bottici proposes a
radical anarchafeminist philosophy inspired by two major claims:
that there is something specific to the oppression of women, and
that, in order to fight that, we need to untangle all other forms
of oppression and the anthropocentrism they inhabit. Anarchism
needs feminism to address the continued subordination of all
femina, but feminism needs anarchism if it does not want to become
the privilege of a few. Anarchafeminism calls for a decolonial and
deimperial position and for a renewed awareness of the somatic
communism connecting all different life forms on the planet. In
this new revolutionary vision, feminism does not mean the
liberation of the lucky few, but liberation for all living
creatures from both capitalist exploitation and an androcentric
politics of domination. Either all or none of us will be free.
Gustav Landauer was an unconventional anarchist who aspired to a
return to a communal life. His antipolitical rejection of
authoritarian assumptions is based on a radical linguistic
scepticism that could be considered the theoretical premise of his
anarchism. The present volume aims to add to the existing
scholarship on Landauer by shedding new light on his work,
focussing on the two interrelated notions of skepsis and
antipolitics. In a time marked by a deep doubt concerning modern
politics, Landauer's alternative can help us to more seriously
address the struggle for a different articulation of our
communitarian and ecological needs.
The political diaspora played a major part in the history of the
international anarchist movement: in the late eighteenth and early
nineteenth centuries hundreds of militants, escaping from domestic
persecution and following their internationalist ideals, took the
path of exile and established colonies in European and non-European
countries. This book unveils the intriguing world of anarchist
refugees in London from the second half of the nineteenth century
to the outbreak of the First World War. It is the first book to
combine an investigation of anarchist political organisations and
activities with a study of the everyday life of militants through
identifying the hitherto largely anonymous Italian anarchist exiles
who settled in London. Central to the book is an examination of the
processes and associations through which anarchist exiles created
an international revolutionary network which European and American
governments and police forces esteemed to be an extremely dangerous
threat. By investigating political, social and cultural aspects of
the colony of Italian anarchist refugees in London, the nature of
the transnational anarchist diaspora and its relevance in the
history of the anarchist movement will be made evident. This
monograph will also be an invaluable resource for anyone interested
in the fascinating history of social and political radicalism in
immigrant communities in Britain.
This book is a study of political exile and transnational activism
in the late-Victorian period. It explores the history of about 500
French-speaking anarchists who lived in exile in London between
1880 and 1914, with a close focus on the 1890s, when their presence
peaked. These individuals sought to escape intense repression in
France, at a time when anarchist-inspired terrorism swept over the
Western world. Until the 1905 Aliens Act, Britain was the exception
in maintaining a liberal approach to the containment of anarchism
and terrorism; it was therefore the choice destination of
international exiled anarchists, just as it had been for previous
generations of revolutionary exiles throughout the nineteenth
century. These French groups in London played a strategic role in
the reinvention of anarchism at a time of crisis, but also
triggered intense moral panic in France, Britain and beyond. This
study retraces the lives of these largely unknown individuals - how
they struggled to get by in the great late-Victorian metropolis,
their social and political interactions among themselves, with
other exiled groups and their host society. The myths surrounding
their rumoured terrorist activities are examined, as well as the
constant overt and covert surveillance which French and British
intelligence services kept over them. The debates surrounding the
controversial asylum granted to international anarchists, and
especially the French, are presented, showing their role in the
redefinition of British liberalism. The political legacy of these
'London years' is also analysed, since exile contributed to the
formation of small but efficient transnational networks, which were
pivotal to the development and international dissemination of
syndicalism and, less successfully, to anti-war propaganda in the
run up to 1914.
Emma Goldman is one of the most celebrated activists and
philosophers of the early 20th century, admired and reviled for her
anarchist ideas and vociferous support of free speech and personal
liberation. A polarizing figure in life, Emma Goldman was among the
first advocates of birth control for women. From 1900 to 1920 she
was in and out of jail in the United States on charges of illegally
promoting contraception, inciting riots in favor of her social and
economic causes, and discouraging potential recruits to avoid the
draft for World War I. Although Goldman initially supported the
Bolshevik Revolution, the resulting Soviet Union's repressiveness
caused an abrupt reversal in her opinion. Goldman's narrative is
thorough yet compelling; her childhood in Russia, her emigration to
the USA as a teenager, and her attraction to anarchist and social
causes is told.
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Mutual Aid
(Hardcover)
Peter Kropotkin, Victor Robinson
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R654
Discovery Miles 6 540
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Ships in 10 - 15 working days
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Although most people believe that some form of government is
necessary, until recently it was merely an assumption that had
never been analyzed from an economic point of view. This changed in
the 1970s when economists at the Center for the Study of Public
Choice engaged in a systematic exploration of the issue. This
stimulating collection, the first book-length treatment on the
public choice theory of government, continues and extends the
research program begun more than three decades ago. The book
reprints the main articles from the 1972 volume Explorations in the
Theory of Anarchy, and contains a response to each chapter, as well
as new comments by Gordon Tullock, James Buchanan, Jeffrey Rogers
Hummel and Peter Boettke. The younger economists are notably less
pessimistic about markets and more pessimistic about government
than their predecessors. Much of the new analysis suggests that
private property rights and contracts can exist without government,
and that even though problems exist, government does not seem to
offer a solution. Might anarchy be the best choice after all? This
provocative volume explores this issue in-depth and provides some
interesting answers. Economists, political scientists, philosophers
and lawyers interested in public choice, political economy and
spontaneous order will find this series of essays illuminating.
Can we make sense of anarchism or is that an oxymoron? Guided by
the principle that someone else's rationality is not an empirical
finding but a methodological presumption, this book addresses that
question as it investigates the ideas and action of one of the most
prominent and underrated anarchists of all times: the Italian,
Errico Malatesta.
In AN AGORIST PRIMER, Samuel Edward Konkin III -- the creator and
premier activist and theoretician of Agorism -- introduces the most
powerful means to free yourself, protect and increase your wealth,
and liberate the whole of human society in the process Agorism is
applied Counter-Economics -- the philosophy of engaging in
free-market activities in defiance of government control. An
evolution of libertarianism, Agorism embraces all non-coercive
human action and opposes all force- or fraud-based attempts to
stifle innovation, trade, thought, and wealth. If you have ever
suspected that government, academia, and other entities are trying
to pull the wool over your eyes in order to control your money,
your morality, and your life, you'll find answers and remedies in
AN AGORIST PRIMER. In one concise volume, Samuel Edward Konkin III
explains the theory, principles, and -- most important of all --
the practice of Agorism. If you think that consistency between
means and ends matters, this is the book for you From the preface:
"Agorism is a way of thinking about the world around you, a method
of understanding why things work the way they do, how they do, and
how they can be dealt with - how you can deal with them. "Agorism
was meant to improve the lot of everyone, not a chosen elite or
unwashed underclass. Hence an introductory work that presents ideas
without going through the long intellectual history and conflict of
competing ideas that produced them. "As the creator of agorism, it
is most incumbent on me first to attempt to reduce it to basic
intelligibility." Samuel Edward Konkin III is the author of the
seminal work on libertarianism and Agorism, New Libertarian
Manifesto. Over the course of thirty years, he wrote, edited, and
published newsletters and magazines such as Laissez Faire, New
Libertarian Notes, and 101 issues of the longest-running
publication of its kind, New Libertarian Weekly. Known to his
friends as SEK3, Mr. Konkin graduated cum laude from the University
of Alberta, serving as head of the Young Social Credit League
there. He received his Masters in Theoretical Chemistry at New York
University, but left NYU without submitting his Ph.D. dissertation
in Quantum Mechanics to pursue his lifelong efforts to promote
Counter-Economics and Agorism. He founded the New Libertarian
Alliance, the Movement of the Libertarian Left and the outreach
organization The Agorist Institute. His body of work is available
from KoPubCo. PRAISE FOR SAMUEL EDWARD KONKIN III "Konkin's
writings are to be welcomed. Because we need a lot more
polycentrism in the movement. Because he shakes up Partyarchs who
tend to fall into unthinking complacency. And especially because he
cares deeply about liberty and can read and write, qualities which
seem to be going out of style in the libertarian movement."
--Murray N. Rothbard, Ph.D.
This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open
Access programme and is available on www.bloomsburycollections.com.
Attempts by people to enact their political beliefs in their daily
lives have become commonplace in contemporary US culture, in
spheres ranging from shopping habits to romantic attachments. This
groundbreaking book examines how collective social movements have
cultivated individual practices of "lifestyle politics" as part of
their strategies of resistance, and the tensions they must navigate
in doing so. Drawing on feminism and other movements that claim
that "the personal is political," the book explores how radical
anarchist activists position their own lifestyles within projects
of resistance. Various lifestyle practices, from consumption to
personal style to sexual relationships, are studied to address how
identity and cultural practices can be used as tools of political
dissent. An accessible and provocative text, Lifestyle Politics and
Radical Activism blends theory with empirical materials to
highlight issues that are important not only to anarchists, but
also to anyone struggling for social change. This unique analysis
will contribute to the development of anarchist theory and practice
and will appeal to anyone interested in political activism and
social movements.
With all of the provocative, sometimes highly destructive acts
committed in the name of anarchy, this enlightening volume invites
readers to discover the true meaning of anarchism, exploring its
vivid history and its resurgent relevance for addressing today's
most vexing social problems. In Anarchism Today, an acclaimed
scholar and one of the world's foremost advocates for the
anarchistic tradition cuts through common misconceptions and
caricatures to explore what is perhaps the most poorly understood
of all political theories. As author Randall Amster explains,
rather than being an anti-everything rationale for defiance and
destruction, anarchism is in fact a coherent set of values and
practices with a rich history and contemporary relevance.
Passionate and provocative, Amster's book offers readers an
expert's perspective on what anarchism really means, including its
relationship to other political approaches, its careful balancing
of individual liberty and a functioning society, and its
controversial image as a wellspring of violence. Along the way,
Amster addresses a number of current issues from the perspective of
anarchism, including corporate globalization, environmentalism,
warfare, nationalism, education, technology, alternative economics,
criminal justice, and even spirituality. He concludes with a frank
assessment of anarchism's impact and the role it can play in
building a more just, peaceful, and sustainable world.
Anarchism and the Avant-Garde: Radical Arts and Politics in
Perspective contributes to the continuing debate on the encounter
of the classical anarchisms (1860s 1940s) and the artistic and
literary avant-gardes of the same period, probing its dimensions
and limits. Case studies on Dadaism, decadence, fauvism,
neo-impressionism, symbolism, and various anarchisms explore the
influence anarchism had on the avant-gardes and reflect on
avant-garde tendencies within anarchism. This volume also explores
the divergence of anarchism and the avant-gardes. It offers a rich
examination of politics and arts, and it complements an ongoing
discourse with theoretical tools to better assess the aesthetic,
social, and political cross-pollination that took place between the
avant-gardes and the anarchists in Europe.
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