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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political structure & processes > Colonization & independence
On 14 August 1844, French and Moroccan armies collided at the
Battle of Isly, marking the beginning of Morocco's incorporation
within the rising orbit of European imperialism. A hundred years
later, French and Moroccan soldiers fought side by side for the
liberation of France. When resisting foreign domination, Moroccans
demonstrated the same endurance they had shown when serving the
cause of the colonial power which had gained control over them. The
27-year-long French conquest of Morocco was one of the longest and
toughest challenges in the annals of European colonialism. Once
occupied, however, Morocco became the supplier of one of the finest
contingents of colonial troops. Both sides of this intriguing
equation form the substance of this book. It presents a
comprehensive analysis of French colonial ideology and interest in
Morocco and delineates the manner in which the agents of the
protectorate regime sought to conquer the country and control its
indigenous inhabitants.
In the middle of 1979 Rhodesia formed one leg of the triad of southern Africa's remaining white-ruled states. The country appeared no closer to peace and majority rule than it had at any time since Ian Smith's 1965 Unilateral Declaration of Independence. But by the end of that year a remarkable agreement had been forged that ended Rhodesia's rebell
These stimulating essays reassess the meaning of British imperialism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. They are written by leading authorities in the field and range in scope from the aftermath of the American revolution to the liquidation of the British empire, from the Caribean to the Pacific, from Suez to Hong Kong.
Imperialism, Race and Resistance marks an important new development
in the study of British and imperial interwar history.
Taking a strikingly interdisciplinary and global approach, Postcolonialism Cross-Examined reflects on the current status of postcolonial studies and attempts to break through traditional boundaries, creating a truly comparative and genuinely global phenomenon. Drawing together the field of mainstream postcolonial studies with post-Soviet postcolonial studies and studies of the late Ottoman Empire, the contributors in this volume question many of the concepts and assumptions we have become accustomed to in postcolonial studies, creating a fresh new version of the field. The volume calls the merits of the field into question, investigating how postcolonial studies may have perpetuated and normalized colonialism as an issue exclusive to Western colonial and imperial powers. The volume is the first to open a dialogue between three different areas of postcolonial scholarship that previously developed independently from one another: * the wide field of postcolonial studies working on European colonialism, * the growing field of post-Soviet postcolonial/post-imperial studies, * the still fledgling field of post-Ottoman postcolonial/post-imperial studies, supported by sideways glances at the multidirectional conditions of interaction in East Africa and the East and West Indies. Postcolonialism Cross-Examined looks at topics such as humanism, nationalism, multiculturalism, nostalgia, and the Anthropocene in order to piece together a new, broader vision for postcolonial studies in the twenty-first century. By including territories other than those covered by the postcolonial mainstream, the book strives to reframe the "postcolonial" as a genuinely global phenomenon and develop multidirectional postcolonial perspectives.
Relations between Britain and China have, for over 150 years, been inextricably bound up with the taking of Hong Kong Island on 26 January 1841. The man responsible, Britain's plenipotentiary Captain Charles Elliot, was recalled by his government in disgrace and has been vilified ever since by China. This book describes the taking of Hong Kong from Elliot's point of view for the first time '- through the personal letters of himself and his wife Clara '- and shows a man of intelligence, conscience and humanitarian instincts. The book gives new insights into Sino-British relations of the period. Because these are now being re-assessed both historically and for the future, revelations about Elliot's role, intentions and analysis are significant and could make an important difference to our understanding of the dynamics of these relations. On a different level, the book explores how Charles the private man, with his wife by his side, experienced events, rather than how Elliot the public figure reported them to the British government. The work is therefore of great historiographical interest.
This volume brings together reflections on citizenship, political violence, race, ethnicity and gender, by some of the most critical voices of our times. Detailed and wide-ranging individual reflections, take the writings of prominent Ugandan political theorist Mahmood Mamdani as a touchstone for thinking about the world from Africa. Contributors apply this theory to argue that we cannot make sense of the political contentions of difference, identity and citizenship today without understanding the legacies of colonial rule on our world. Chapters examine the persistence of the past, and how we must reckon with its tragedies, its injustices, and its utopias in order to chart a new politics; the politics of possible futures that are more inclusive and more egalitarian, and that can think of difference in more equitable ways. In a time when the call to decolonize knowledge, and politics rings loud and clear, this is both a timely and a crucial intervention.
Qualifying post-Westphalian sovereign statehood as a 'power' as argued for in Hendrik Berkhoff's political theology, this book addresses the decades-long theological-spiritual debate between Christian realism and Christian pacifism in U.S. foreign policy and global Christian circles. It approaches the debate by delving into the pacifist Anabaptist political theology and delineates empirically how sovereign statehood in post-colonial Africa and Asia has fallen into the hands of the devil Satan, as a 'fallen power' in the Foucaultian terms of power structures, techniques and episteme. While the book offers intervention schemes and options, it holds that Christian statecraft remains the source of hope to effectively address a number of serious global issues. By extension, the book is thus an invitation to ignite debates on the suitability of Christian statecraft and the nexus between spirituality and world politics, making it especially interesting for scholars and students in the fields of International Politics, Politics of Asian and African States, Post-colonial Studies and Political Theology.
Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Armenia has remained on the brink of on the brink of becoming an economic crossroads or an isolated backwater, a democratic or authoritarian state, a peaceful and prosperous country or a nation on the brink of conflict. Armenia's difficult independence is intricately linked with her transcaucasian neighbours, and whichever path she follows, they will undoubtedly be affected. Armenia: At the Crossroads considers Armenia as a nationa and as a state, and puts her tragic history into the context of current events since independence.
In any assessment and understanding of Belarus, the key questions to address include; why has Belarus apparently rejected independence under its first president Alyaksandr Lukashenka, and sought a union with Russia? Why has the government rejected democracy, infringed on the human rights of its citizens and fundamentally altered its constitution in favour of presidential authority? Has the country made any progress toward market reforms? How have Russia and the West responded to the actions of Belarus? And what is the future likely to hold for its ten million citizens? The author's conclusions are optimistic. Belarus, he believes, will survive into the twenty-first century, but as a Eurasian rather than a European state.
More than other Atlantic societies, Latin America is shackled to
its past. This collection is an exploration of the binding
historical legacies--the making of slavery, patrimonial absolutist
states, backward agriculture and the imprint of the
Enlightenment--with which Latin America continues to grapple.
This book offers a systematic analysis of the violent clashes between the South Indian 'right' and 'left' hand caste divisions that repeatedly rocked the European settlements on the Coromandel Coast in the early colonial period. Whereas the Indian population expected the colonial authorities to intervene in the disputes, the Europeans were reluctant to get involved in conflicts which they barely understood. In the nineteenth century the significance of the divisions diminished, a development that has long puzzled historians and anthropologists. In addition, this study addresses the larger issue of the nature of colonial encounters. The rich material relating to these disputes convincingly demonstrates how Europeans and Indians, as they sought to incorporate each other into their own social structure and conceptual universe, participated in a dialogue on the nature of South Indian society.
This volume addresses the issues arising from the recent devolution referenda by exploring the historical development of the proposals, the importance of national and regional identities, the changing policies of the political parties and the approaches of business and other major groups towards devolution. It also looks at the impact on electoral reform coming from the proposal that proportional representation be used to elect the regional assemblies and how the new assemblies are to be financed. Finally the book discusses the implications of a devolved British state where different countries and regions achieve different levels of autonomy at different paces.
This volume addresses the issues arising from the recent devolution referenda by exploring the historical development of the proposals, the importance of national and regional identities, the changing policies of the political parties and the approaches of business and other major groups towards devolution. It also looks at the impact on electoral reform coming from the proposal that proportional representation be used to elect the regional assemblies and how the new assemblies are to be financed. Finally the book discusses the implications of a devolved British state where different countries and regions achieve different levels of autonomy at different paces.
This collection of essays honours David Fieldhouse, latterly Vere Harmsworth Professor of Imperial and Naval History at Cambridge and a foremost authority on the economics of the modern British Empire. The contributors include an impressive array of former students, colleagues, and friends, and their subjects range widely across the economic and administrative fields of British imperial history in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Reflecting many of Fieldhouse's own areas of scholarly interest, the essays address economics and business, theories of imperialism, strategies of administration, and decolonization.
The essays in this volume range from questions of cultural self-representation in China to more general problems of reconceptualizing global relationships in response to contemporary changes. Although the new era of global capitalism calls for the remapping of global relations, such remapping must be informed both by a grasp of contemporary structures of economic, political, and cultural power and by memories of earlier radical visions of society. Without these two conditions, Arif Dirlik argues, the current preoccupation with Eurocentrism, ethnic diversity, and multiculturalism distract from issues of power that dominate global relations and that find expression in murderous ethnic conflicts.In lieu of multiculturalism, Dirlik offers ?multi-historicalism,? which presupposes a historically grounded conception of cultural difference, seeks in different histories alternative visions of human society, and stresses divergent historical trajectories against a future colonized presently by an ideology of capital. Arguing that the operations of capital have brought the question of the local to the fore, he points to ?indigenism? as a source of paradigms of social relations and relationships to nature, to challenge the voracious developmentalism that undermines local welfare globally.
The letters of William Jardine and James Matheson, co-founders of the Hong Kong Trading Firm Jardine, Matheson & Co., shed new light on the important commercial, economic and political developments of the nineteenth century. Local and world politics, debate about freedom, monopoly and free trade, the conduct of the Opium War and the beginnings of British rule in Hong Kong are passionately discussed alongside the immediate business concerns of tea, opium and British exports to China. The letters from the Jardine Matheson Archive, collected here for the first time, portray a fascinating commercial, political and personal drama played out in England, Scotland, India, and China. A substantial introduction provides the historical background of British involvement in Eastern trade from the eighteenth century up to the beginnings of British Rule in Hong Kong.
The World in a Grain of Sand offers a framework for reading literature from the global South that goes against the grain of dominant theories in cultural studies, especially, postcolonial theory. It critiques the valorization of the local in cultural theories typically accompanied by a rejection of universal categories - viewed as Eurocentric projections. But the privileging of the local usually amounts to an exercise in exoticization of the South. The book argues that the rejection of Eurocentric theories can be complemented by embracing another, richer and non-parochial form of universalism. Through readings of texts from India, Sri Lanka, Palestine and Egypt, the book shows that the fine grained engagement with culture, the mapping of ordinary lives not just as objects but subjects of their history, is embedded in much of postcolonial literature in a radical universalism - one that is rooted in local realities, but is able to unearth in them the needs, conflicts and desires that stretch across cultures and time. It is a universalism recognized by Marx and steeped in the spirit of anti-colonialism, but hostile to any whiff of exoticism.
The Caribbean basin has been the scene of international rivalries and conflict throughout the 20th century. This book provides coverage of the entire Caribbean region, including Central America and the Caribbean coast of northern South America, as well as an analysis of the role of international intervention. It includes discussion of the complex interaction among major world powers in the area, from the British, Dutch, French and Spanish clashes through the Latin American wars of independence to the emergence of the United States as a colonial power in the late 19th century. The book also surveys conflicts over colonial possessions, trade routes and Soviet-American confrontation in the Cold War years. This study integrates the recent political, economic and social history of the Caribbean basin with its military and diplomatic past. It charts this zone's emergence from colonialism during the course of the 20th century.
Although there have been numerous publications that argue the merit of Chinese rule over Tibet, and many more that argue for Tibetan self-determination, the world has not heard many Chinese voices supporting the latter view. This book exposed the reader to just that perspective from no less famous writers and activists than Wei Jingsheng, Yan Jiaqi, Shen Tong, Wang Rouwang, and others. Though theirs is the view of a small minority of Chinese, history may still record the publication of these essays as a milestone in the history of this issue.
Although there have been numerous publications that argue the merit of Chinese rule over Tibet, and many more that argue for Tibetan self-determination, the world has not heard many Chinese voices supporting the latter view. This book exposes the reader to just that perspective from no less famous writers and activists than Wei Jingsheng, Yan Jiaqi, Shen Tong, Wang Ruowang, and others -- many now perforce in exile or imprisoned -- whose views on Tibet were heretofore little known. Though theirs is the view of a small minority of Chinese, history may still record the publication of these essays as the first movement of a significant turning point in the history of this issue. |
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