The Postcolonial Low Countries is the first book to bring together critical and comparative approaches to the emergent field of neerlandophone postcolonial studies. The collection of essays ranges across the cultures and literatures of the Netherlands and Belgium and establishes an encounter between postcolonial theoretical discourses from both within and without the region. Each one of the contributions puts under pressure the definitive concepts of postcolonial studies in its more conventional anglophone or francophone formation, as well as perceptions of the Low Countries, Belgium and the Netherlands, as lying outside or to the side of the postcolonial domain. In the Low Countries, local and regional issues concerning multiculturalism and colonial belatedness have raised important questions about the possible grounds on which postcolonial critical concepts might be not only translated but also generated afresh, to suit these paradoxically new contexts. As The Postcolonial Low Countries incisively demonstrates, the Low Countries demand a careful rearticulation of such postcolonial 'readymades' as hybridity, accommodation and creolization. Gathering together contributions from both internationally renowned scholars and newly established researchers in the field, The Postcolonial Low Countries maps previously underexplored national and transnational literary critical trajectories. The book challenges in boundary shifting ways current readings of the so-described multicultural and postcolonial Netherlands and Belgium.

This is a history book that studies the thought and actions of Jose Gervasio Artigas throughout the decade of his prominence (1810 -1820) as leader of the Federal League, which united his native territory of Uruguay to four neighboring provinces in today's Argentina. This was the period when the Spanish king's abdication propelled elites across that country's former American colonies to hastily construct new local institutions to carry on governing functions and to assure order and stability. Within a few years that new leadership had to do battle against the armies sent by Spain's new leadership that attempted to reassert its control. In the Banda Oriental-today's Uruguay-Artigas, with democratic and egalitarian values, enjoyed wide support among the rural poor as well as the landed elite. His military victories over the Spanish, and then his successful defense of provincial autonomy before the imperialist ambitions of Buenos Aires, account for the spread of his influence to neighboring provinces and the creation of the Federal League. His short-term successes infuriated powerful elites in both Buenos Aires and the Portuguese colonies of today's Brazil. These, allied to the newly potent British empire, then collaborated to bring about his defeat. Artigas' career, as seen in retrospect, was riddled with contradiction and ambiguity, yet his record of achievements is worthy of remembrance and honor. The book provides information, largely ignored by previous historians, about his important dealings with three central figures in Argentina's independence movement: Generals Manuel Belgrano. Martin Guemes, and Jose de San Martin.

Singapore under the ruling People's Action Party government has been categorized as a developmental state which has utilized education as an instrument of its economic policies and nation-building agenda. However, contrary to accepted assumptions, the use of education by the state to promote economic growth did not begin with the coming to power of the People's Action Party in 1959. In Singapore, the colonial state had been using education to meet the demands of its colonial economy well before the rise of the post-independence developmental state. Education, Industrialization and the End of Empire in Singapore examines how the state's use of education as an instrument of economic policy had its origins in the colonial economy and intensified during the process of decolonization. By covering this process the history of vocational and technical education and its relationship with the economy is traced from the colonial era through to decolonization and into the early postcolonial period.

European colonisation has marginalised the first peoples' in industrialised countries such as Australia and Canada. In remote regions, still the homes of large Aboriginal, Indian and Inuit populations, this legacy remains strong.
Modernisation - the boom and bust' model of state and private development - and the partial and biased assistance provided by the state have eroded many communities through their disregard for socio-economic structures and the beliefs which underpin them.
Third World in the First explores the past, present and future of these peoples, their treatment by the West' and the alternative strategies of development which might be available to them.

One of the major cultural and economic issues facing both Australia and Canada concerns the governments' past and present failures to involve the "first peoples" in development. Elspeth Young contrast the materialist development approach of both big companies and governments with the stress of the Indian, Inuit and Aboriginal peoples place on husbanding natural resources.
Exploring why attempts to promote minority development have failed, whether models of sustainable development are applicable to remote area development, as well as the crucial issue of self-determination, the book reveals the yawning gap between what people want and what governments are prepared to offer. The author argues that this gap can only be briged by alternative approaches to development, centered on participation and the acknowledgement of these peoples' holistic sense of community.

Of northern European nations, the British had the greatest impact on the Americas. Their history there embraces far more than the colonies that became the United States: England had been in the New World for a century before those colonies were established, and the British presence long outlived their loss. This integrated account of that involvement spans the entire arc of British territories from the Caribbean to Canada, and the entire period from the first appearance of the English to the disintegration of the British and other Euro-American empires. A fascinating story, engrossingly told, it fills a major gap in current historiography.

The state of Israel and the Palestinian nation are at an historic juncture. Respective representatives have recognized each other's right to exist, learning to conceive of a new "other". Both have a chance to claim a new future, but more than a quarter of a century of occupation has left a permanent mark on all societies. Israel's occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip created a relationship which, similar to that between colonizer and colonized, placed Israeli Jews in the position of the powerful, and Palestinians of the Occupied Territories, in the position of the powerless. This dichotomy of more than 26 years of occupation, has significant social, political, economic, cultural, psychological and moral ramifications for both men and women, both Israelis and Palestinians. This text analyzes the impact of the occupier/occupied unequal relationship on the lives of Palestinian and Jewish women. Exposing a set of previously unarticulated internal conflicts and differences, it also discusses those existing loyalties which have been reinforced as different groups of women have moved into public political action.

"De-Scribing Empire" is a stunning collection of first-rate essays that examine the textual fabric of colonialism and its legacy. Together they interpret the formative role of books, writing and textuality in imperial control and their role in fashioning colonial world-views. Foregrounding strategies of understanding and resistance, "De-Scribing Empire" places itself within a critical tradition of post-colonial studies.
As a spirited collection of some of the newest critical thinking, "De-Scribing Empire" analyses the multifarious ways in which imperialism operated textually. The authors examine such issues as the power of cartography to elide and dislocate identities; the imperial role of 19th century children's literature; the place of the feminine in colonial power hierarchies; the racialist unease shrouding early twentieth century adventure fiction; the questions and implications of "authenticity"; and the contradictions and tribulations of teaching resistance literature in western educational institutions.

Remains of the Social is an interdisciplinary volume of essays that engages with what 'the social' might mean after apartheid; a condition referred to as 'the post-apartheid social'. The volume grapples with apartheid as a global phenomenon that extends beyond the borders of South Africa between 1948 and 1994 and foregrounds the tension between the weight of lived experience that was and is apartheid, the structures that condition that experience and a desire for a 'post-apartheid social' (think unity through difference). Collectively, the contributors argue for a recognition of the 'the post-apartheid' as a condition that names the labour of coming to terms with the ordering principles that apartheid both set in place and foreclosed. The volume seeks to provide a sense of the terrain on which 'the post-apartheid' - as a desire for a difference that is not apartheid's difference - unfolds, falters and is worked through.

This ambitious survey draws together the two major wars of decolonization fought by France in Indochina and Algeria (as well as the lesser but far from insignificant military operations in Madagascar, Tunisia and Morocco) into a single integrated account. It examines traditional French attitudes to empire, and how these changed under the pressure of events; the military operations themselves; the collapse of the Fourth Republic and the return of de Gaulle; and the final drama of French withdrawal from Algeria and the 'ethnic cleansing' of its European settler population.

De-Scribing Empire is a stunning collection of first-class essays. Collectively they examine the formative role of books, writing and textuality in imperial control and the fashioning of colonial world-views. The volume as a whole puts forward strategies for understanding and neutralising that control, and as such is a major contribution to the field. It will be invaluable for students in post-colonialist criticism.

This atlas comprises a full guide to the history of Britain's imperial enterprise. In addition to Britain's colonial development, it touches on subjects including the changing territorial pattern of empire, exploration, trade, communications and imperial defence, war and conquest, the activities of Britain's missionaries and consuls and the spread of white settlement.

First published in 1993. How is it possible for the three tiny Baltic republics to gain their freedom from the Soviet Union, without a single shot being fired or a single stone thrown at the oppressor? The topic of this book is the implosion of the Soviet empire. It tells the parallel stories of how the three Baltic republics of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania struggled successfully to gain their freedom, and how the policies pursued by Mikhail Gorbachev served to mobilize and politicize Baltic demands. Particular emphasis is placed on unintended consequences that resulted from repeated interventions by Moscow. The authors develop a loose theoretic framework for the examination of this critical struggle. The study starts by developing the analytical tools and then proceeds to outline, as background, the most salient features of Gorbachev's reform programme and of the history of the Baltic States. The core of the analysis is then presented in three chapters, devoted to three consecutive stages in the game. The first shows how strategies on both sides were initially formulated in consensus. In the second it is shown how consensus transformed into pure conflict, and in the third all actors are seeking to escape general collapse. The main conclusion points at the absence of 'politics' in the Soviet System as a main cause of its self-destruction.

Contents: Women, Nationalism and Islam in Contemporary Political Discourse in Iran "Nahid Yeganeh;" Feminism, Citizenship and National Identity "Ann Curthoys;" Remapping and Renaming: New Cartographies of Identity, Gender and Landscape in Ireland "Catherine Nash;" Poem: Easter 1991 "Maighread Medbh;" Family Feuds: Gender, Nationalism and the Family "Anne McClintock;" Women as Activists; Women as Symbols: A Study of the Indian Nationalist Movement "Suruchi Thapar;" Gender, Nationalism and National Identities: Bellagio Symposium Report "Catherine Hall;" Culture or Citizenship? Notes from the Gender and Colonialism Conference, Galway, Ireland, May 1992 "Clara Connolly;" Plus: Reviews, Noticeboard.

British colonial rule of the tropics is the critical background to contemporary development issues. This study of Britain's economic and political relationship with its tropical colonies provides detailed analyses of trade and policy. The considerations of past successes and failures elucidate current opportunities and developments. No other book covers this broad topic with such detail and clarity.

eBook available with sample pages: 0203191838

Professor Russell-Wood's detailed studies of Brazilian social history in the colonial era have long been recognised as model contributions to the history of class, race, gender and religion. This collection combines work on particular persons and groupings with survey articles on the role of the port and the frontier in colonial Brazil and on its historiography. The author describes the administration and structure of government, and the realities of royal power, with examples drawn from the port cities and the mining townships of the interior, then moves on to examine the interplay of class, religion and race with reference to brotherhoods of persons of African descent and the racially exclusive Third Orders. One group who overcame legal, physical and social constraints were women who, whether of European or African descent, contributed decisively to the economy and society of Brazil. To conclude, there are accounts of three individuals, each of whose experiences illustrate facets of the judicial system, governance and education in Portugal's richest colony. Les etudes detaillees du professeur Russell-Wood sur l'histoire sociale bresilienne durant la periode coloniale ont longtemps ete reconnues comme un modele de contribution A histoire des classes, des races, des genres et des religions. Cette collection allie des travaux au sujet d'individus specifiques et de groupements A des resumes d'enquAte sur la rAle du port et de la frontiere dans le Bresil colonial et dans son historiographie. L'auteur decrit l'administration et la structure gouvernementale, ainsi que les realites du pouvoir royal, s'appuyant d'exemples tires des cites portuaires et des communes minieres de l'interieur. Il passe ensuite A l'examen de l'interaction des classes, des religions et des races en faisant reference aux liens de fraternite qui unissaient les personnes de descendance africaine, ainsi qu'aux Troisiemes Ordres qui pratiq

Noyes demonstrates the agency of literature in the structuring of colonial space using a series of colonial texts from German South West Africa in the period 1884-1915. The social production of space in colonialization is achieved through establishing and manipulating boundaries. The production of space is itself an ordering process, and as such, a process of civilization. However, the detailed analysis of the colonial discourse reveals how colonial texts can be used to counter their author's claims to universal truth and a civilizing mission.
Drawing upon recent work by Lacan, Deleuze and Guattari, Derrida and Foucault, as well as current debate on colonial discourse, Noyes explores the concept of spatiality as constructed under the conditions of colonialization.

This title focuses on the "Risorgimento", the movement that led to the unification of Italy as a single kingdom. The Italian Wars of Independence were a sequence of three separate conflicts, taking place in 1848-49, 1859 and 1866. This volume examines the role of the major powers outside Italy in these conflicts, particularly France, Austria, Great Britain and Prussia, and in Italy the Italian states, the Catholic Church and the revolutionaries. It also examines the role of: Cavour's Piedmont, Mazzini's Young Italy and the Party of Action, Garibaldi's Red Shirts and Daniele Manin's National Society. It is based on original research, particularly in the Vatican archives and it should to be an invaluable text for all students of Italian and European History from 6th form to undergraduate level.

This is a book about religious transformation in South Asia in the nineteenth century, perhaps the most important period of religious change in the history of the region. By looking at some outstanding individuals from different religions the book sheds light on the questions that lie at the heart of later nationalist discourse, questions like: Who is a Hindu? Who is a Buddhist? What is the relationship between the religious communities of South Asia?

Spanning the entire period from the late fifteenth century beginnings of Britain's growth as a maritime commercial power to her withdrawal from most colonial possessions and her alignment with continental Europe in the 1970s and 1980s, this atlas traces the history of Britain's changing presence overseas. Each map is accompanied by explanatory text. The shifting territorial pattern of empire over more than four centuries, from the colonization of Virginia to the dismemberment of the African empire, is naturally prominent. British exploration is also covered, showing the routes taken and discoveries made, from Frobisher and Raleigh, to Cook and Livingstone. War, conquest and non-European military resistance are touched upon, especially in the American War of Independence, the Indian Mutiny, the South African campaign of 1899-1902, and recent World Wars. In addition, the atlas demonstrates the considerable influence and power, albeit of less formal kinds and at different times, brought by Britain's trade and investments, the patterns of imperial defence and communications, the spread of white settlement, the presence of her consuls, shipping and missionaries. This book should be of i

This much anticipated volume compares and contrasts Gandhi's non-violent leadership during World War II to the military leadership of Arjuna in the war that prompted the Bhagavad Gita dialogue, the Sanskrit text that guided Gandhi's actions throughout his life. Early in his career as leader of India's campaign to end British rule, Gandhi resisted terrorist interpretations of the Gita and described the Gita as depicting a metaphorical battle between good and evil impulses within every human heart. Then when India was drawn into a world war not unlike that in which Arjuna reluctantly led his troops into combat, Gandhi embraced his role as battlefield commander of the millions he had trained to be non-violent warriors. Never abandoning his dedication to non-violence, Gandhi stressed to his recruits that they should act as non-violently as possible but should not passively accept injustice. Remaining true to the Bhagavad Gita while responding to urgent hazards affecting all Indians, Gandhi himself became a wartime battlefield commander leading millions in the climactic Quit India conflict that ended British rule. The volume provides an overview of Gandhi's entire career as leader of the Indian Nationalist Movement, clarifies Gandhi's approach to acting non-violently when surrounded by violence, and affirms Gandhi's enduring importance as a source of inspiration around the world. Please note: Taylor & Francis does not sell or distribute the Hardback in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka

The work focuses on a subaltern local sovereignty movement called "Telangana" in India. Over the last ten years, this movement has engaged in a massive political mobilization, including strikes, rallies, work stoppages, occupation of public spaces, electoral contests, 200 and more political suicides and media battles. But, interestingly enough, notwithstanding a political mobilization that has brought day-to-day life to a halt on a number of occasions, it has remained largely invisible in international media and global politics. Fascinated by the social movement's international invisibility as well as the causes and conditions of its eruption around a city/region that has become a showcase of new capitalist development, Muppidi seeks to unpack this issue, showing that this invisibility is not just intrinsically puzzling, but also represents the operation of power on a global scale. Investigating the conditions of invisibility in this instance can therefore tell us something important about the way global power works to produce visibility and invisibility in the 21st century world. This book provides a unique resource for students of Postcolonalism, International relations and South East Asian studies.

Starting in the early part of the nineteenth century, American administrations expressed a desire to own Cuba. A rationale for adding Cuba to the territory of the United States could be built on Cuba's sugar and tobacco industries, as well as Cuba's mineral deposits. But economics was not the primary motivation. American presidents knew that in the event of war, any nation occupying Cuba would have an advantage over the US military strategies; this fear, coupled with the economic benefit, explains a century of policy decisions. As Frank R. Villafana shows, Cubans were not sitting idle, waiting for outsiders to liberate them from Spanish oppression. A major part of this research is devoted to studying Cuban efforts to liberate their island from prolonged Spanish domination. Cuba had been struggling for independence from Spain since the 1830s, followed by the Ten Year War. During the 1895-1898 War of Independence, Cuba came close to defeating Spain, but a merciless Spanish military effort converted Cuba into a series of concentration camps. Spain surrendered after its naval defeats by the US at Manila Bay and Santiago de Cuba, following a failed ground campaign in eastern Cuba. After the US occupied Cuba militarily, American political leaders realized only a small minority of Cubans supported annexation, and the Platt Amendment was developed as a substitute. Today, most Cubans agree that independence, even constrained by the United States, was better than enslavement by the Castro brothers. However, as Villafana emphasizes, Cubans living in Cuba as well as abroad still seek a land free and independent of foreign threat and domestic tyrants.

In this original and compelling book book, William Schell Jr. examines the largest foreign colony in Mexico during the reign of Porfirio D'az, from 1876 to 1911. Expatriate Americans constituted the greatest number of technicians, technocrats, consultants, engineers, agronomists, mining specialists, railroad experts, and venture capitalists in Mexico. The influence of these 'integral outsiders' extended far beyond economics and Porfirian efforts to manage the booming era of Mexican modernization. Marriages between Americans and Mexican society women and membership in such organizations as Masonic brotherhoods brought the foreigners into the most important social circles.

Integral Outsiders: The American Colony in Mexico City, 1876D1911, contains a colorful history of the Porfiriato through the lens of American participation, including carefully wrought descriptions of expatriate Americans. These individual biographies make the narrative more human and interesting, allowing Schell to move beyond the simplistic view of weak, greedy Mexican elites conspiring with powerful, greedy foreign capitalists to amass great wealth while impoverishing the Mexican masses and creating economic underdevelopment.

Basing his comments on meticulous research, Schell points out that U.S. influence was hardly a one-way street and that the interaction between U.S. citizens and Mexicans was a complex system of cultural negotiations. He demonstrates convincingly that, while insinuating themselves into Mexican society, Americans thought that they were changing Mexico, and, in so doing, changed themselves. As Schell states, 'Ultimately, then, it may be said that the Porfirian regime got the form of hegemony it sought, and Washington took the sort of hegemony it could get.'