The Postcolonial Low Countries is the first book to bring together critical and comparative approaches to the emergent field of neerlandophone postcolonial studies. The collection of essays ranges across the cultures and literatures of the Netherlands and Belgium and establishes an encounter between postcolonial theoretical discourses from both within and without the region. Each one of the contributions puts under pressure the definitive concepts of postcolonial studies in its more conventional anglophone or francophone formation, as well as perceptions of the Low Countries, Belgium and the Netherlands, as lying outside or to the side of the postcolonial domain. In the Low Countries, local and regional issues concerning multiculturalism and colonial belatedness have raised important questions about the possible grounds on which postcolonial critical concepts might be not only translated but also generated afresh, to suit these paradoxically new contexts. As The Postcolonial Low Countries incisively demonstrates, the Low Countries demand a careful rearticulation of such postcolonial 'readymades' as hybridity, accommodation and creolization. Gathering together contributions from both internationally renowned scholars and newly established researchers in the field, The Postcolonial Low Countries maps previously underexplored national and transnational literary critical trajectories. The book challenges in boundary shifting ways current readings of the so-described multicultural and postcolonial Netherlands and Belgium.

The central theme of this volume is deteriorating India-Pakistan relations. It opens in the aftermath of the Indian takeover of Hyderabad. This had been accomplished so rapidly that there was a widespread feeling in Pakistan that their country would be next to attract the attention of the Indian Army. Matters were worsened by the exodus of more than a million disaffected Hindus from East Pakistan to India. Belligerent speeches were made by both sides and Nehru told the British High Commissioner, Archibald Nye, on 20 November 1948 that 'the situation in East Bengal was causing him far more anxiety than that in Kashmir'. However it was Kashmir which remained the major cause of tension. After a period of relative stalemate there was movement from mid-November and a real possibility of the extension of the fighting into West Punjab. Fortunately wiser counsels were to prevail and the volume gives clues as to why a cease fire was agreed extremely rapidly at the end of December. This took effect at midnight on 1 January 1949. There were now grounds for hope that relations between the two Dominions would greatly improve although Nye felt that because of likely problems with a plebiscite 'in many respects our Kashmir troubles were only about to start'. But he trusted that these would not be accompanied by bloodshed. The volume contains 376 documents (with Appendices) and includes extracts from the monthly appreciations on the general situation which both High Commissioners sent to London. Please note: Taylor & Francis does not sell or distribute the Hardback in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.

A study of the West African Hauka - spirits that grotesquely mimic and mock "Europeans" of the colonial epoch. The author considers spirit possession as a set of embodied practices with serious social and cultural consequences.

Contested Ground provides a comprehensive and up to date account of the processes and experiences which shaped the lives of Aboriginal Australians from 1788 to the present.It integrates eye-witness accounts, oral histories and historical research to present the first colony-by-colony, state by state history of Aboriginal-white relations. Contested Ground tells a story of dispossession and denial but it is also a positive account, revealing the persistent struggles of Aboriginal communities for a better future.Clearly written and generously illustrated, this book demonstrates why Australian Aboriginal history, like the very land itself, remains contested ground.'Both indigenous and non-indigenous Australians have a lot to learn about each other before reconciliation between the two peoples can be realised. This book will go a long way towards achieving that end.' - Paul Behrendt.

When African Modernism was first published in 2015, it was showered with international praise and has been sought after ever since it went out of print in 2018. Marking Park Books' 10th anniversary, this landmark book will now be available again. Over the course of the 1950s and 1960s, most African countries gained independence from their respective colonial powers. Architecture became one of the principal means by which the newly formed states expressed their national identity. African Modernism investigates the close relationship between architecture and nation-building in Ghana, Senegal, Cote d'Ivoire, Kenya, and Zambia. It features 100 buildings with brief descriptive texts, images, site plans, selected floor plans and sections. The vast majority of images were taken by Iwan Baan and Alexia Webster especially for the book's first edition, documenting the buildings in their present state. Each country is portrayed through an introductory text and a timeline of historic events. Additional essays on specific aspects and topics of postcolonial Africa, likewise richly illustrated with images and documents, round out this outstanding volume.

The decline of British power in Asia, from a high point in 1905, when Britain's ally Japan vanquished the Russian Empire, apparently reducing the perceived threat that Russia posed to its influence in India and China, to the end of the twentieth century, when British power had dwindled to virtually nothing, is one of the most important themes in understanding the modern history of East and Southeast Asia. This book considers a range of issues that illustrate the significance and influence of the British Empire in Asia and the nature of Britain's imperial decline. Subjects covered include the challenges posed by Germany and Japan during the First World War, British efforts at international co-operation in the interwar period, the British relationship with Korea and Japan in the wake of the Second World War, and the complicated path of decolonisation in Southeast Asia and Hong Kong.

This book challenges assumptions that poor post-colonial economic performance is always a direct product of colonialism by reconsidering the Belgian Congo (1908-1959) as a developmental state. The book demonstrates that despite the colonial system's economic exploitation and extraction, brutality, excessive taxation, and inequities, the Belgian Congo achieved successes in developing the economy in a short period of time. The Belgian Congo was able to achieve this by investing its higher rates of fiscal revenue in political stability, physical infrastructure, education, and healthcare. By reconsidering the Belgian colonial state as a developmental state, this book encourages scholars to adopt a more nuanced analysis of African history. Considering state capacity and state autonomy as key features of a developmental state, the book demonstrates that colonial state managers in the Belgian Congo were able to supply these public goods that sustained economic growth for decades. Whilst by no means glorifying colonialism or the atrocities that were conducted during the Belgian occupation, the book nonetheless outlines how different forms of capitalism were deployed to further economic development in the country. In contrast, predatory state managers of the Congo Free State (1885-1908) and post-colonial kleptocrats (1960-2018) have squandered Congo's natural resources with disastrous economic and social consequences. Contrasting the Belgian Congo with colonies of settlement and other colonies of extraction, this book encourages researchers and students to reconsider the dominant narratives within colonial history, development, and African Studies.

A major result of the Second World War was the emergence of small states which vastly increased the membership of the international system. While a number of small states existed before the war many of these had made no effort to participate actively in the system; since then, the doctrine of equality of states has been established, in theory at least, through their admission to the UN. This book, first published in 1984, deals with the factors which have contributed to the emergence of such a large number of small states, the difficulties which they have experienced in achieving statehood, and their struggle to gain political integration. A precise analysis of the foreign policy and economic factors governing the activity of small states, particularly that of Kuwait and the other Gulf states, is presented here.

One of the major cultural and economic issues facing both Australia and Canada concerns the governments' past and present failures to involve the "first peoples" in development. Elspeth Young contrast the materialist development approach of both big companies and governments with the stress of the Indian, Inuit and Aboriginal peoples place on husbanding natural resources.
Exploring why attempts to promote minority development have failed, whether models of sustainable development are applicable to remote area development, as well as the crucial issue of self-determination, the book reveals the yawning gap between what people want and what governments are prepared to offer. The author argues that this gap can only be briged by alternative approaches to development, centered on participation and the acknowledgement of these peoples' holistic sense of community.

European colonisation has marginalised the first peoples' in industrialised countries such as Australia and Canada. In remote regions, still the homes of large Aboriginal, Indian and Inuit populations, this legacy remains strong.
Modernisation - the boom and bust' model of state and private development - and the partial and biased assistance provided by the state have eroded many communities through their disregard for socio-economic structures and the beliefs which underpin them.
Third World in the First explores the past, present and future of these peoples, their treatment by the West' and the alternative strategies of development which might be available to them.

Of northern European nations, the British had the greatest impact on the Americas. Their history there embraces far more than the colonies that became the United States: England had been in the New World for a century before those colonies were established, and the British presence long outlived their loss. This integrated account of that involvement spans the entire arc of British territories from the Caribbean to Canada, and the entire period from the first appearance of the English to the disintegration of the British and other Euro-American empires. A fascinating story, engrossingly told, it fills a major gap in current historiography.

The work focuses on a subaltern local sovereignty movement called "Telangana" in India. Over the last ten years, this movement has engaged in a massive political mobilization, including strikes, rallies, work stoppages, occupation of public spaces, electoral contests, 200 and more political suicides and media battles. But, interestingly enough, notwithstanding a political mobilization that has brought day-to-day life to a halt on a number of occasions, it has remained largely invisible in international media and global politics. Fascinated by the social movement's international invisibility as well as the causes and conditions of its eruption around a city/region that has become a showcase of new capitalist development, Muppidi seeks to unpack this issue, showing that this invisibility is not just intrinsically puzzling, but also represents the operation of power on a global scale. Investigating the conditions of invisibility in this instance can therefore tell us something important about the way global power works to produce visibility and invisibility in the 21st century world. This book provides a unique resource for students of Postcolonalism, International relations and South East Asian studies.

The state of Israel and the Palestinian nation are at an historic juncture. Respective representatives have recognized each other's right to exist, learning to conceive of a new "other". Both have a chance to claim a new future, but more than a quarter of a century of occupation has left a permanent mark on all societies. Israel's occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip created a relationship which, similar to that between colonizer and colonized, placed Israeli Jews in the position of the powerful, and Palestinians of the Occupied Territories, in the position of the powerless. This dichotomy of more than 26 years of occupation, has significant social, political, economic, cultural, psychological and moral ramifications for both men and women, both Israelis and Palestinians. This text analyzes the impact of the occupier/occupied unequal relationship on the lives of Palestinian and Jewish women. Exposing a set of previously unarticulated internal conflicts and differences, it also discusses those existing loyalties which have been reinforced as different groups of women have moved into public political action.

Examining political and socioeconomic change in the Yemen Arab Republic (YAR), this book, first published in 1987, focuses primarily on the quarter century following the overthrow of the imamate in 1962. The problems and politics of the period's republican leaders and their regimes are analysed against the backdrop of Yemen's traditional Islamic theocracy, the Zaydi imamate, which ruled for over a millennium. A country very similar to Afghanistan in its mountainous terrain, tribal social organization, and traditional Islamic culture, the YAR was almost completely isolated and insulated from the modern world and modern politics until the ousting of the imamate. This book explores in detail the processes of change, the political leaders involved, and the impact of domestic and external forces. Dr Burrowes draws on his extensive conversations with YAR leaders to provide a unique view of a country trying to cope with change and modernization.

"De-Scribing Empire" is a stunning collection of first-rate essays that examine the textual fabric of colonialism and its legacy. Together they interpret the formative role of books, writing and textuality in imperial control and their role in fashioning colonial world-views. Foregrounding strategies of understanding and resistance, "De-Scribing Empire" places itself within a critical tradition of post-colonial studies.
As a spirited collection of some of the newest critical thinking, "De-Scribing Empire" analyses the multifarious ways in which imperialism operated textually. The authors examine such issues as the power of cartography to elide and dislocate identities; the imperial role of 19th century children's literature; the place of the feminine in colonial power hierarchies; the racialist unease shrouding early twentieth century adventure fiction; the questions and implications of "authenticity"; and the contradictions and tribulations of teaching resistance literature in western educational institutions.

De-Scribing Empire is a stunning collection of first-class essays. Collectively they examine the formative role of books, writing and textuality in imperial control and the fashioning of colonial world-views. The volume as a whole puts forward strategies for understanding and neutralising that control, and as such is a major contribution to the field. It will be invaluable for students in post-colonialist criticism.

This ambitious survey draws together the two major wars of decolonization fought by France in Indochina and Algeria (as well as the lesser but far from insignificant military operations in Madagascar, Tunisia and Morocco) into a single integrated account. It examines traditional French attitudes to empire, and how these changed under the pressure of events; the military operations themselves; the collapse of the Fourth Republic and the return of de Gaulle; and the final drama of French withdrawal from Algeria and the 'ethnic cleansing' of its European settler population.

This work, first published in 1972, is an objective introduction to the social, political, and cultural changes that took place in the Middle East in the years after the Second World War. It includes papers by some of the most distinguished scholars in the field as well as personal accounts by insightful observers living in the area. It includes articles on such topics as Arab socialism and nationalism, religious communities, ethnic minorities, women in Arab society, education, and many more.

This book, first published in 1984, examines the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, Oman and UAE. Culturally, historically, geographically and politically the GCC countries represent a rare instance of regional homogeneity and they face similar problems and challenges. Despite their international importance as oil exporters, there is a lack of solid statistical information on each country or as a region as a whole. This book addresses that gap with a substantial collection of data on the individual countries and the larger region.

Starting in the early part of the nineteenth century, American administrations expressed a desire to own Cuba. A rationale for adding Cuba to the territory of the United States could be built on Cuba's sugar and tobacco industries, as well as Cuba's mineral deposits. But economics was not the primary motivation. American presidents knew that in the event of war, any nation occupying Cuba would have an advantage over the US military strategies; this fear, coupled with the economic benefit, explains a century of policy decisions. As Frank R. Villafana shows, Cubans were not sitting idle, waiting for outsiders to liberate them from Spanish oppression. A major part of this research is devoted to studying Cuban efforts to liberate their island from prolonged Spanish domination. Cuba had been struggling for independence from Spain since the 1830s, followed by the Ten Year War. During the 1895-1898 War of Independence, Cuba came close to defeating Spain, but a merciless Spanish military effort converted Cuba into a series of concentration camps. Spain surrendered after its naval defeats by the US at Manila Bay and Santiago de Cuba, following a failed ground campaign in eastern Cuba. After the US occupied Cuba militarily, American political leaders realized only a small minority of Cubans supported annexation, and the Platt Amendment was developed as a substitute. Today, most Cubans agree that independence, even constrained by the United States, was better than enslavement by the Castro brothers. However, as Villafana emphasizes, Cubans living in Cuba as well as abroad still seek a land free and independent of foreign threat and domestic tyrants.

This much anticipated volume compares and contrasts Gandhi's non-violent leadership during World War II to the military leadership of Arjuna in the war that prompted the Bhagavad Gita dialogue, the Sanskrit text that guided Gandhi's actions throughout his life. Early in his career as leader of India's campaign to end British rule, Gandhi resisted terrorist interpretations of the Gita and described the Gita as depicting a metaphorical battle between good and evil impulses within every human heart. Then when India was drawn into a world war not unlike that in which Arjuna reluctantly led his troops into combat, Gandhi embraced his role as battlefield commander of the millions he had trained to be non-violent warriors. Never abandoning his dedication to non-violence, Gandhi stressed to his recruits that they should act as non-violently as possible but should not passively accept injustice. Remaining true to the Bhagavad Gita while responding to urgent hazards affecting all Indians, Gandhi himself became a wartime battlefield commander leading millions in the climactic Quit India conflict that ended British rule. The volume provides an overview of Gandhi's entire career as leader of the Indian Nationalist Movement, clarifies Gandhi's approach to acting non-violently when surrounded by violence, and affirms Gandhi's enduring importance as a source of inspiration around the world. Please note: Taylor & Francis does not sell or distribute the Hardback in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka

This atlas comprises a full guide to the history of Britain's imperial enterprise. In addition to Britain's colonial development, it touches on subjects including the changing territorial pattern of empire, exploration, trade, communications and imperial defence, war and conquest, the activities of Britain's missionaries and consuls and the spread of white settlement.

Iran is the only Middle Eastern state to have preserved its national identity through the upheavals of Arab, Turkish and Mongol invasions. It is heir to the richest culture in the Middle East: a culture that extends far beyond the state's political boundaries. This book, first published in 1987, traces elements of continuity in Iranian society from pre-Islamic times to the turmoil of the Islamic Republic. The author discusses the persistence of religion as a dominant force in Iran's politics and society; the attraction of unorthodox doctrines such as Mazdakism, Baha'ism, and revolutionary Shi'ism; the tradition of strong, charismatic leadership; and the constant problem of ruling peoples of diverse tribal, religious and linguistic affiliations. He finds explanations for recent political changes in conditions peculiarly Iranian and examines the emerging post-revolutionary society along with some of its new institutions, including the revolutionary guards, the assembly, the neighbourhood committees, and the Friday prayer leaders.

A methodical analysis of relations of domination and subordination through media narratives of nationhood in an African context. Nation as Grand Narrative offers a methodical analysis of how relations of domination and subordination are conveyed through media narratives of nationhood. Using the typical postcolonial state of Nigeria as a template andengaging with disciplines ranging from media studies, political science, and social theory to historical sociology and hermeneutics, Wale Adebanwi examines how the nation as grand narrative provides a critical interpretive lens through which competition among ethnic, ethnoregional, and ethnoreligious groups can be analyzed. Adebanwi illustrates how meaning is connected to power through ideology in the struggles enacted on the pages of the print media overdiverse issues including federalism, democracy and democratization, religion, majority-minority ethnic relations, space and territoriality, self-determination, and threat of secession. Nation as Grand Narrative will triggerfurther critical reflections on the articulation of relations of domination in the context of postcolonial grand narratives. Wale Adebanwi is associate professor of African American and African studies, University of California-Davis, and a visiting professor at the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER), Rhodes University, Grahamstown, South Africa.