This present work brings to light the educational project developed by the African Party for the Independence of Guinea Bissau and Cape Verde (PAIGC) during the period of the armed liberation struggle against the Portuguese colonial regime in Guinea Bissau (1963-1974). The work goes further to explore the practices of education in the period after independence until 1978. It includes an extended analysis of reports and printed material produced by the PAIGC, and expands its sources to oral testimonies, exploring the individual and collective experiences on education under the colonial regime, that finally led the Party militants to develop their concept, practices and materials for the militant education project. An invaluable contribution to the history of education in Guinea Bissau in specific and African and World history of education in general, the present work leads the reader through the paths of education during e colonialism, and the challenges to the process of decolonize education during and after the armed conflict for independence and liberation.

Back to Black traces the long and eminent history of Black radical politics. Born out of resistance to slavery and colonialism, its rich past encompasses figures such as Marcus Garvey, Angela Davis, the Black Panthers and the Black Lives Matter activists of today. At its core it argues that racism is inexorably embedded in the fabric of society, and that it can never be overcome unless by enacting change outside of this suffocating system. Yet this Black radicalism has been diluted and moderated over time; wilfully misrepresented and caricatured by others; divested of its legacy, potency, and force. Kehinde Andrews explores the true roots of this tradition and connects the dots to today's struggles by showing what a renewed politics of Black radicalism might look like in the 21st century.

The study examines cultural effects of various colonial systems of government in the Spanish- and French-speaking Caribbean in a little investigated period of transition: from the French Revolution to the abolition of slavery in Cuba (1789-1886). The comparison of cultural transfer processes by means of literary production from and about the Caribbean, embedded in a broader context of the circulation of culture and knowledge deciphers the different transculturations of European discourses in the colonies as well as the repercussions of these transculturations on the motherland's ideas of the colonial other: The loss of a culturally binding centre in the case of the Spanish colonies - in contrast to France's strong presence and binding force - is accompanied by a multirelationality which increasingly shapes hispanophone Caribbean literature and promotes the pursuit for political independence. The book provides necessary revision to the idea that the 19th-century Caribbean can only be understood as an outpost of the European metropolises. Examining the kaleidoscope of the colonial Caribbean opens new insights into the early processes of cultural globalisation and questions our established concept of a genuine western modernity. Updated and expanded translation of Die koloniale Karibik. Transferprozesse in hispanophonen und frankophonen Literaturen, De Gruyter (mimesis 53), 2012

Since its independence from Britain in 1960, Nigeria has emerged as Africa's second largest economy and one of the biggest producers of oil in the world. Despite its economic success, however, there are deep divisions among its two hundred and fifty ethnic groups. Centered around three of the dominant themes of Nigeria's post-colonial narrative - ethnicity, democracy and governance, this is an accessible and comprehensive introduction to the history and events that have shaped these three areas. World-renowned expert in Nigerian history, Toyin Falola shows us how the British laid the foundations of modern Nigeria, with colonialism breading competition for resources and power and the widening cleavages between the Hausa-Fulani, Yoruba, and Igbo ethnic groups that had been forced together under British rule, the choice of federalism as a political system, and the religious and political pluralism that have shaped its institutions and practices. Using an examination of the outcomes of this history, manifested in hunger, violence, poverty, human rights violations, threats of secession and corruption, where power and resources are used to reproduce underdevelopment, Falola offers insights and recommendations for the future of policy and the potential for intervention in the country.

The surprising story of how George Washington, Alexander Hamilton, John Adams, and Thomas Jefferson came to despair for the future of the nation they had created Americans seldom deify their Founding Fathers any longer, but they do still tend to venerate the Constitution and the republican government that the founders created. Strikingly, the founders themselves were far less confident in what they had wrought, particularly by the end of their lives. In fact, most of them-including George Washington, Alexander Hamilton, John Adams, and Thomas Jefferson-came to deem America's constitutional experiment an utter failure that was unlikely to last beyond their own generation. Fears of a Setting Sun is the first book to tell the fascinating and too-little-known story of the founders' disillusionment. As Dennis Rasmussen shows, the founders' pessimism had a variety of sources: Washington lost his faith in America's political system above all because of the rise of partisanship, Hamilton because he felt that the federal government was too weak, Adams because he believed that the people lacked civic virtue, and Jefferson because of sectional divisions laid bare by the spread of slavery. The one major founder who retained his faith in America's constitutional order to the end was James Madison, and the book also explores why he remained relatively optimistic when so many of his compatriots did not. As much as Americans today may worry about their country's future, Rasmussen reveals, the founders faced even graver problems and harbored even deeper misgivings. A vividly written account of a chapter of American history that has received too little attention, Fears of a Setting Sun will change the way that you look at the American founding, the Constitution, and indeed the United States itself.

Introductions to political philosophy/theory mostly exclude discussions of race, and anthologies of political theory and philosophy cover readings from the ancient Greeks to contemporary theorists but without the voices of nonwhite authors. So Western political thought seems circumscribed to the theories of white men thus providing a misleading narrative of Western political theory to college students. The debates presented between liberalism and absolutism, libertarianism and communitarianism, capitalism and socialism leave out discussions of racism, sexism, abolitionism, colonialism, imperialism, and white supremacy. This textbook is ideal for a variety of courses including social and political philosophy, ethnic studies, postcolonial studies, political theory, sociology, social justice programs/course, and theories of justice. Student features: *Offers an accessible reader that combines theory with historical and contemporary case studies that encourage students to apply their theoretical understandings of justice to real world issues. *The case studies offer teachers built-in class activities to explore the implications and applications of theory. *Includes introductions at the beginning of each section and contemporary case studies at the end of each section of theoretical readings.

This book examines the performative life reconciliation and its discontents in settler societies. It explores the refoundings of the settler state and reimaginings of its alternatives, as well as the way the past is mobilized and reworked in the name of social transformation within a new global paradigm of reconciliation and the 'age of apology'.

Introductions to political philosophy/theory mostly exclude discussions of race, and anthologies of political theory and philosophy cover readings from the ancient Greeks to contemporary theorists but without the voices of nonwhite authors. So Western political thought seems circumscribed to the theories of white men thus providing a misleading narrative of Western political theory to college students. The debates presented between liberalism and absolutism, libertarianism and communitarianism, capitalism and socialism leave out discussions of racism, sexism, abolitionism, colonialism, imperialism, and white supremacy. This textbook is ideal for a variety of courses including social and political philosophy, ethnic studies, postcolonial studies, political theory, sociology, social justice programs/course, and theories of justice. Student features: *Offers an accessible reader that combines theory with historical and contemporary case studies that encourage students to apply their theoretical understandings of justice to real world issues. *The case studies offer teachers built-in class activities to explore the implications and applications of theory. *Includes introductions at the beginning of each section and contemporary case studies at the end of each section of theoretical readings.

Throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the colonial administrations in British East-Central African colonies considered inter-racial sexual liaisons to be a serious and recurrent "problem". Consequently, inter-racial sexual liaisons (concubinage and marriage) and the mixed race progeny that resulted from these liaisons led to protracted discussions and enactment of policies which addressed questions about concubinage, marriage, racial identity, sexual morality, and the status of persons of mixed race in British East-Central Africa. Using archival sources and secondary literature, the author highlights how colonial inter-racial intimate encounters became intertwined with conceptions of 'race' and what it meant to be European, African ("native") and racially mixed. Intended for students and scholars interested in the study of 'race' and sexuality in colonial Africa, the book will provide an understanding of why inter-racial liaisons despite of rigid racial barriers were not easy to legislate against.

'This is proper history. It is illuminating to pick up this book with the twenty-first century's crises of Brexit and Iraq in mind.' Jeremy Bowen (BBC correspondent, and author of Six Days). Over sixteen extraordinary days in October and November 1956, the twin crises of Suez and Hungary pushed the world to the brink of a nuclear conflict and what many at the time were calling World War III. Blood and Sand is a revelatory new history of these dramatic events, for the first time setting both crises in the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict, and the treacherous power politics of imperialism and oil. Blood and Sandtells this story hour by hour, with a fascinating cast of characters including Gamal Abdel Nasser, Anthony Eden, Dwight D. Eisenhower, Nikita Khrushchev, Christian Pineau, Imre Nagy and David Ben-Gurion. It is a tale of conspiracy and revolutions, spies and terrorists, kidnappings and assassination plots, the fall of the British Empire and the rise of American hegemony. Blood and Sand is essential to our understanding of the modern Middle East and resonates powerfully with the problems of oil control, religious fundamentalism and international unity that face the world today.

The process of decolonization transformed colonial and European metropolitan societies culturally, politically and economically. Its legacy continues to affect postcolonial politics as well as cultural and intellectual life in Europe and its former colonies and overseas territories.
Grouped around the most salient themes, this compilation includes discussions of metropolitan politics, gender, sexuality, race, culture, nationalism and economy, and thereby offers a comparative and interdisciplinary assessment of decolonization.
The Decolonization Reader will provide scholars and students with a thorough understanding of the impact of decolonization on world history and cross-cultural encounters worldwide.

This book focuses on education policy framework for educating marginalized children in sub-Saharan Africa. It uses "marginality" as a critical discourse to highlight the complicated ways education policy making in sub-Saharan Africa have constructed and perpetuated marginality in the region since Africa's encounters with Europe. The book is organized around two parts, each of which discusses a specific dimension of the marginality and education policy nexus. Part I focuses on theorizations of marginality and education. The theoretical framework on marginality and education outlines the definitional and conceptual backgrounds on marginality - the complicated ways policies of the Christian missionaries, colonial governments and postcolonial governments constructed and perpetuated marginality in the region. Part II focuses on addressing the issue of marginality from theory to practice. These chapters highlight the ways policies shaped the educational development, schooling processes, and educational outcomes of selected marginalized communities and groups. Attention is given to schooling in rural communities, the complexities of girls' education in rural contexts, education of Zongo Muslim communities, violence in school in rural contexts, and education collaboration in rural traditional communities. The book argues that education policies in sub-Saharan Africa fail to address the educational needs of marginalized children because current policy frameworks ae not based on examination of colonial policies which created the existing marginality. In order to implement policies that address policy gaps and meet the educational needs of marginalized children, strong synergies are necessary between education policy makers, other education stakeholders, and marginalized communities.

This book interrogates representations - fiction, literary motifs and narratives - of the Partition of India. Delving into the writings of Khushwant Singh, Balachandra Rajan, Attia Hosain, Abdullah Hussein, Rahi Masoom Raza and Anita Desai, among many others, it highlights the modes of 'fictive' testimony that sought to articulate the inarticulate - the experiences of trauma and violence, of loss and longing, and of diaspora and displacement. The author discusses representational techniques and formal innovations in writing across three generations of twentieth-century writers in India and Pakistan, invoking theoretical debates on history, memory, witnessing and trauma. With a new afterword, the second edition of this volume draws attention to recent developments in Partition studies and sheds new light as regards ongoing debates about an event that still casts a shadow on contemporary South Asian society and culture. A key text, this is essential reading for scholars, researchers and students of literary criticism, South Asian studies, cultural studies and modern history.

Postcolonial intellectuals have engaged with and deeply impacted upon European society since the figure of the intellectual emerged at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Yet a critical assessment and overview of their influential roles is long overdue, particularly in the light of contemporary debates in Europe and beyond. This book offers an innovative take on the role of intellectuals in Europe through a postcolonial lens and, in doing so, questions the very definition of "public intellectual," on the one hand, and the meaning of such a thing as "Europe," on the other. It does so not only by offering portraits of charismatic figures such as Stuart Hall, Jacques Derrida, Antonio Gramsci, Frantz Fanon, and Hannah Arendt, among others, but also by exploring their lasting legacies and the many dialogues they have generated. The notion of the 'classic' intellectual is further challenged by bringing to the fore artists, writers, and activists, as well as social movements, networks, and new forms of mobilization and collective engagement that are part of the intellectual scene.

Through the stories of women in movement in the Americas, Europe and Australasia, this book explores a decolonising and feminised politics of liberation which is being weaved through the words and worlds of black, colonised and subaltern women. These stories demonstrate the complex and multiple forms of critique as practice that are being developed by women in movement in multiple sites of the Global South. Written through story, prose, poetry, analysis and offering case-studies, methodologies, practices and generative questions the book expresses and contributes to the (co) creation of a new language of liberation. This is an enfleshed language in which there is a return of the world to the word, of the body to the text, and of the heart/womb to thought. This is a language of the political in which a new political subjectivity that is multiple, deeply relational and becoming is formed. The book offers a window onto the complexities and depths of the wounding enacted by patriarchal capitalist coloniality through these stories but it also offers, through sharing and conceptualising prefigurative and dialogical co-creation of critique, the gift of practices of healing as emancipation, and the conditions of possibility for our collective liberation.

First published in 1982. This book, makes sense of Lugard's administration in Egbaland, by to devoting space to the history, religion, and political structure created by the African peoples of western Nigeria. Only by looking at the Egba traditional system and their attempts to modernize their state prior to 1914 can one fully appreciate their sense of loss and betrayal after annexation. The Abyokuta uprising was a very important event during the imperial phase of Nigerian history.

The independence of Mozambique in 1975 and its decolonisation process attracted worldwide attention as a successful example of "national unity." Yet, the armed conflict that broke out between the government and the guerrilla force in 1977 lasted for sixteen years and resulted in over a million deaths and several million refugees, placing this concept of "national unity" into doubt. For nearly twenty years, Sayaka Funada-Classen interviewed people in rural communities in Mozambique. By examining their testimonies, historical documents, previous studies, international and regional politics, and the changes that various interventions under colonialism brought to the traditional social structure, this book demonstrates that the seeds of "division" had already been planted while the liberation movement was seeking "unity" in the struggle years. Presenting a comprehensive history of contemporary Mozambique, this book is indispensable for Mozambican scholars. It promises to serve as a landmark study not only for historians and the scholars of African studies but also for those who give serious consideration to the problems of conflict and peace in the world.

During his lifetime, the biracial French writer Alexandre Dumas (1802-1870)-author of The Three Musketeers and The Count of Monte Cristo and grandson of a Caribbean slave-faced forms of racial prejudice in France. He constantly strove to find a place where he could belong, an isolated figure in search for an identity within a larger collectivity. For him, "Monte Cristo" seemed to symbolize this quest. Just as "Monte Cristo" proved to be an elusive reality for Dumas, it proved equally elusive to those struggling to overcome slavery and its legacies in the French Atlantic world also searching for their own figurative "Monte Cristo." Exiled to the margins of French society because of their colonial origins and the legacies of the slavery, they ultimately attempted to use Dumas to renegotiate a definition of what it meant to be French within the public sphere to allow their full inclusion as French citizens. Nineteenth- and twentieth-century black intellectuals, primarily from former French colonies in the Caribbean and Africa, used perceptions of Dumas, created through his memorialization/commemoration to develop conceptions of national identity and their relation to French culture. Such efforts were influenced by earlier African-American struggles, particularly in the decades immediately after the Civil War, to create a place for their inclusion in wider American society; their efforts also used Dumas, whom they reconfigured as an American black hero.

Scottish nationalism is a powerful movement in contemporary politics, yet the goal of Scottish independence emerged surprisingly recently into public debate. The origins of Scottish nationalism lie not in the medieval battles for Scottish statehood, the Acts of Union, the Scottish Enlightenment, or any other traditional historical milestone. Instead, an influential separatist Scottish nationalism began to take shape only in the 1970s and achieved its present ideological maturity in the course of the 1980s and 1990s. The nationalism that emerged from this testing period of Scottish history was unusual in that it demanded independence not to defend a threatened ancestral culture but as the most effective way to promote the agenda of the left. This accessible and engaging account of the political thought of Scottish nationalism explores how the arguments for Scottish independence were crafted over some fifty years by intellectuals, politicians and activists, and why these ideas had such a seismic impact on Scottish and British politics in the 2014 independence referendum.

Revolutionary Worlds looks at the Indonesian revolution (1945-1949) from a local and regional perspective. With seventeen contributions, Indonesian and Dutch researchers bring to life the revolutionary world from widely differing perspectives. The authors explain how Indonesian, Chinese, Indian and Eurasian civilians, fighters, farmers and officials experienced and shaped the often volatile period between 1945 and 1950. The book focuses on different ideas of independence, survival strategies, mobilization, minorities, contestation of authority and the use of force against the backdrop of Indonesian and Dutch authorities' efforts to gain or maintain control. Bringing together two national historiographical traditions which have long remained largely separate, Revolutionary Worlds is the result of a collaboration between the Indonesian research project Proklamasi Kemerdekaan, Revolusi dan Perang di Indonesia ('Proclamation of Independence, Revolution and War in Indonesia', Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta) and the Dutch research group of the Regional Studies project, under the umbrella of the research programme Independence, Decolonization, Violence and War in Indonesia, 1945-1950. The authors of this book - Taufik Ahmad, Galuh Ambar Sasi, Maarten van der Bent, Martijn Eickhoff, Farabi Fakih, Roel Frakking, Apriani Harahap, Anne-Lot Hoek, Sarkawi B. Husain, Julianto Ibrahim, Gerry van Klinken, Erniwati Nur, Mawardi Umar, Anne van der Veer, Abdul Wahid, Tri Wahyuning M. Irsyam, and Muhammad Yuanda Zara - work with various universities and research institutes in Indonesia and the Netherlands.

Combining literary reportage, memoir, family history, and a quest to piece together a decades-old mystery, The Zanzibar Chest is a moving examination of colonialism and its consequences. In his final days, Aidan Hartley's father said to him, "We should have never come." Those words spoke of a colonial legacy that stretched back through four generations of one British family. From a great-great-grandfather who defended British settlements in nineteenth-century New Zealand, to his father, a colonial officer sent to Africa in the 1920s and who later returned to raise a family there--these were intrepid men who traveled to exotic lands to conquer, build, and bear witness. And there is Aidan, who becomes a journalist covering Africa in the 1990s, a decade marked by terror and genocide. After encountering the violence in Somalia, Uganda, and Rwanda, Aidan retreats to his family's house in Kenya where he discovers the Zanzibar chest his father left him. Intricately hand-carved, the chest contained the diaries of his father's best friend, Peter Davey, an Englishman who had died under obscure circumstances five decades before. With the papers as his guide, Hartley embarked on a journey not only to unlock the secrets of Davey's life, but his own.

This volume examines the dynamics of socio-political order in post-colonial states across the Pacific Islands region and West Africa in order to elaborate on the processes and practices of peace formation. Drawing on field research and engaging with post-liberal conceptualisations of peacebuilding, this book investigates the interaction of a variety of actors and institutions involved in the provision of peace, security and justice in post-colonial states. The chapters analyse how different types of actors and institutions involved in peace formation engage in and are interpenetrated by a host of relations in the local arena, making 'the local' contested ground on which different discourses and praxes of peace, security and justice coexist and overlap. In the course of interactions, new and different forms of socio-political order emerge which are far from being captured through the familiar notions of a liberal peace and a Weberian ideal-type state. Rather, this volume investigates how (dis)order emerges as a result of interdependence among agents, thus laying open the fundamentally relational character of peace formation. This innovative relational, liminal and integrative understanding of peace formation has far-reaching consequences for internationally supported peacebuilding. This book will be of much interest to students of statebuilding, peace studies, security studies, governance, development and IR.

'Fascinating . . . O'Driscoll's research is impressive' Ben Macintyre, The Times 'It would be hard to overstate how good this book is . . . a fantastic read' Sunday Independent 'Superb . . . an even-handed and thrilling gallop through [Dugdale's] improbable life' Daily Telegraph The astonishing story of the English heiress who devoted her life to the IRA She grew up in a Chelsea townhouse and on a Devon estate. She was presented to the Queen at Buckingham Palace as a debutante in 1958. She trained at Oxford as an academic economist and had a love affair with a female professor (who was on the rebound from Iris Murdoch). At thirty, she commenced giving her inheritance away to the poor. In 1972, the deadliest year of the Northern Irish Troubles, she travelled to Ireland and joined the IRA. Sean O'Driscoll's Heiress, Rebel, Vigilante, Bomber tells the astonishing story of Rose Dugdale, who went on to become a committed terrorist, participating in a major art heist and a bombing raid on a police and army barracks; who kept a pregnancy secret for nine months in prison and gave birth there; and who ended up at the heart of the IRA's bomb-making operation during its deadly final spasms in the 1990s. Heiress, Rebel, Vigilante, Bomber is both the page-turning biography of a remarkable woman and a groundbreaking account of the inner workings of a terrorist organization. _______________ 'Possibly the most extraordinary book you'll read this year' Irish Examiner 'Jaw-dropping' Joe Duffy 'Well-researched' Irish Times

A 'sensational affair.. carried out with great audacity' - New York Times. An astonishing act of piracy, the capture of the British war ship, the Upnor changed the course of Ireland's Civil War. Flawless in its planning and execution, while Winston Churchill remarked on Irish 'genius for conspiracy', a furious Michael Collins accused the British of deliberately arming his enemies. Indeed, it's highly likely that the bullet that killed him originated in the Upnor. The Ballycotton Job brings this riveting story to life, its cast of disparate characters and strands of adventure beautifully woven together. This book sees events leading up to the capture as well as the consequences of the Upnor seizure discussed in detail. Based on years of archival research, it tells a unique story of both sides, Irish and British. The book's fast-paced narrative is enlivened by dialogue and details obtained from interviews with participants. Ireland teetered on the verge of civil war, the IRA splitting into anti-Treaty and pro-Treaty stance, Michael Collins and the Provisional Government on the pro-Treaty side. Cork's Sean O'Hegarty, the local anti-Treaty IRA leader, prevented Collins' National Army from entering the city. As the British evacuated soldiers and equipment back to England, O'Hegarty came up with a brilliant plan to capture the munitions en route. Commandeering a tugboat from the Royal Navy base at Queenstown/Cobh, they sped out of the fortified harbour on a mission. Simultaneously, over eighty trucks and lorries were hijacked all across Cork, leaving citizens mystified as to what was going on. In a clever ruse, the IRA squad captured arms ship Upnor, bringing it into the small port of Ballycotton. The village, now under the control of IRA fighters, witnessed the unloading of weaponry onto waiting lorries then driven off to secret arms dumps throughout Cork. O'Hegarty's men seized eighty tons of arms, subsequently distributed to southern IRA divisions during the Civil War. This audacious act of piracy caused a sensation. A field day for the newspapers, The Irish Independent called it 'an amazing exploit'; The Times 'a clever and daring coup'.