Is it possible to ignore the rules of the world and still enjoy the protection of the international community? Does the West need the Saudis more than they need us? This study seeks to answer these and other questions on the political and social development of Saudi Arabia in the seven years since the Gulf War. The book examines the ruling family's self-awarded birthright to wealth and power, and discusses the questions of Royal Law, human rights, censorship, the fear of radical Islam, and gender in the kingdom.

This work is both a dictionary and a glossary of terms. It attempts to cover the entire field of Islam - religious, ethical and philosophical - and the terms chosen are those which the reader is to find, and those most likely to be encountered in current reading. In addition, there are brief biographies of eminent Muslim and Islamic scholars throughout the ages, enabling an easy reference to authorities normally cited. The author, Ian Richard Netton, is also editor of "Golden Roads: Migration, Pilgrimage and Travel in Medieval and Modern Islam".

Orientalism, Zionism and Academic Practice explores the field of Israeli Middle East and Islamic Studies (MEIS) sociologically and politically, as a window onto the relationship between Orientalism, Zionism and academia. The book draws special attention to neoliberal discourse and praxis in everyday higher education, the interests of scholars, and the political form that commercialisation takes in specific disciplinary and geopolitical conditions by deconstructing structural and historical presuppositions and effective ideologies that overdetermine this junction of academia, orientalism and Zionism. The multi-layered study draws on various scholarly traditions and offers new evidence for, and insights in, historical and cultural-discursive discussions. It highlights paradigmatic gaps in reading Saidian orientalism, re-evaluates the origins and evolution of the local field, contributes to the study of everyday academic culture in the social sciences and humanities (SSH), and unveils the presupposed and the unsaid of the general and the specific field, exploring the intersection of an orientalist expertise, in a settler-colonial society, and everyday academic capitalism. The expertise of this sociological and discursive study make it an invaluable resource for academics and students interested in Israel and Middle East studies, Higher Education and the Sociology of Academia.

This book is a welcome addition to an all too scant literature on the Ismaili communities of Syria. In addition to a wide reading of Arabic sources and a deep familiarity with the existing scholarly literature, Professor Mirza also brings to light new manuscripts illuminating this history.
Syrian Ismailism tells the little-known story of the adaptability and survival of Ismailis in Syria in an era which seems as complex and difficult as our own. The late eleventh and twelfth centuries brought severe troubles, including the decline of the Fatimids, divisions among the Ismailis, the Saljuq-Sunni conquest of much of the Middle East, and the Crusades.

The Kuwaiti population includes around 100,000 people - approximately 10 per cent of the Kuwaiti nationals -whose legal status is contested. Often considered `stateless', they have come to be known in Kuwait as biduns, from `bidun jinsiyya', which means literally `without nationality' in Arabic. As long-term residents with close geographical ties and intimate cultural links to the emirate, the biduns claim that they are entitled to Kuwaiti nationality because they have no other. But since 1986 the State of Kuwait, has considered them `illegal residents' on Kuwaiti territory. As a result, the biduns have been denied civil and human rights and treated as undocumented migrants, with no access to employment, health, education or official birth and death certificates. It was only after the first-ever bidun protest in 2011, that the government softened restrictions imposed upon them. Claire Beaugrand argues here that, far from being an anomaly, the position of the biduns is of central importance to the understanding of state formation processes in the Gulf countries, and the ways in which identity and the boundaries of nationality are negotiated and concretely enacted.

With a Foreword by Ira M. Lapidus. This is a welcome addition to the scant literature on the Ismaili communities of Syria. In addition to a wide reading of Arabic sources and a deep familiarity with existing scholarly literature, Prof. Mirza brings to light new manuscripts illuminating this history.

The theme of the conference presented in this work, Islam in a changing world: Europe and the Middle East, held in Copenhagen in June 1996, was the compatibility between Islam and universal norms and values, and the perspectives for dialogue and mutual understanding. Special attention was given both to the common features of today's Islamic groups and to differences between them. Patterns of internal Islamic co-operation and conflict were discussed, as were the ways in which political Islam influences the socio-political developments in the Middle East. Finally, the interaction between political Islam and the post-1989 challenges and opportunities of Euro-Mediterranean co-operation was also covered.

Why wasn't Islam the rallying point and battle cry of the anti-colonial movement in the Sudan? Why did the mainstream political parties and the first military regime maintain the 'secular' political structures of the colonial state? Why did the influential parties opt for an 'Islamic constitution' in the 1960s? Why did Nimeiry's regime change is course? This work attempts to answer these and related questions.
Three key issues are addressed within the framework of the relationship between Islam, society and politics: the manifestation of Islam in the particular context of Sudanese society; the politicisation / repoliticisation of Islam and the Islamicisation of politics; and the mechanisms that influence the rise of a specific Islamicist force or enhance calls for Islamicisation.

The theme of the conference presented in this work, Islam in a changing world: Europe and the Middle East, held in Copenhagen in June 1996, was the compatibility between Islam and universal norms and values, and the perspectives for dialogue and mutual understanding. Special attention was given both to the common features of today's Islamic groups and to differences between them. Patterns of internal Islamic co-operation and conflict were discussed, as were the ways in which political Islam influences the socio-political developments in the Middle East. Finally, the interaction between political Islam and the post-1989 challenges and opportunities of Euro-Mediterranean co-operation was also covered.

Since 9/11 interest in Islamophobia has steadily increased - as has the number of academic publications discussing the phenomenon. However, theoretical expositions have dominated the field. Lived experiences of Islamophobia, by contrast, have received little attention. In recognition of the importance of addressing this imbalance, this book provides theoretically-informed analyses alongside everyday testimonies of anti-Muslim racism, set comparatively in an international context. Carr argues that the failure of the neoliberal state to collect data on anti-Muslim racism highlights the perpetuation of 'race' blindness within governance. Not only does this mean that the salience of racism is denied in the lives of those who experience it, but this also enables the state to absolve itself from challenging the issue and providing the necessary supports to Muslim communities. Offering original empirical research and theoretical engagement with the concept of 'race'-blind neoliberal governance, this book will appeal to students and scholars across the social sciences, in addition to policymakers and activists working in this topical area.

In the field of medieval Indian historiography, an eight-volume magnum opus, History of India as Told by Its Own Historians, by Sir Henry Myers Elliot (1808-53) and the editor-compiler of his posthumous papers, John Dowson (1820-81), was published from London between 1867 and 1877. These landmark volumes continue to retain their popularity even nearly hundred and fifty years later, and scholars still learn from and conduct their research on the basis of this work. However, an enterprise of this scale and magnitude was bound to suffer from some serious shortcomings. An eminent Indian scholar, S.H. Hodivala undertook the daunting task of annotating Elliot and Dowson's volumes and worked through all the new material, selecting or criticizing and adding his own suggestions where previous comments did not exist or appeared unsuitable. The first volume of Hodivala's annotated Studies, was published in 1939, while the second was published posthumously in 1957. Over the years, while the work of Elliot and Dowson has seen many reprints, and is even available online now, Hodivala's volumes have receded into obscurity. A new edition is presented here for the first time. Hodivala also published critical commentaries on 238 of about 2000 entries included in another very famous work, Hobson-Jobson (London, 1886) by Sir Henry Yule (1820-89) and Arthur Coke Burnell (1840-82). These have also been included in the present edition. These volumes are thus aimed at serving as an indispensable compendium of both, Elliot and Dowson's, and for Yule and Burnell's excellent contributions of colonial scholarship. At the same time these would also serve as a guide for comparative studies and critical appreciation of historical texts. Please note: Taylor & Francis does not sell or distribute the Hardback in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka

With Islamophobia on the rise in the US since 9/11, Muslims remain the most misunderstood people in American society. Taking as its point of departure the question of the compatibility of Islam and democracy, this book examines Muslims' sense of belonging in American society. Based on extensive interview data across seven states in the US, the author explores the question of what it means to be American or un-American amongst Muslims, offering insights into common views of community, culture, and wider society. Through a combination of interviewees' responses and discourse analysis of print media, Muslim Americans also raises the question of whether media coverage of the issue might itself be considered 'un-American'. An empirically grounded study of race and faith-based relations, this book undertakes a rigorous questioning of what it means to be American in the contemporary US. As such, it will appeal to scholars of sociology and political science with interests in race, ethnicity, religion and national identity.

The Waqf (pious endowment in Islam) fulfilled vital political, social and economic functions. Reiter presents a picture of the role of Islam in mandatory Je.0rusalem through the resources of the Waqf. The Waqfs, as owners of 80% of the land in the old city of Jerusalem, and their socio-political influence, lie at the root of the present debate about the character and future of this Holy City. The prevalent image of institutionalized corruption within the Waqf system, involving beneficiaries, administrators and members of the elite is not completely supported by the findings ofthe present study.

The waqf (pious endowment) was a major Islamic institution in Jerusalem under British Mandate and it fulfilled vital political, social and economic functions. This book considers how the waqf adapted to modern times and reflects on its role in Islamic life in Jerusalem in the light of the political debate between the Palestinian Arab national movement and the Jewish Zionist movement. One of the weaknesses of Islamic endowments was the lack of proper supervision of their administration. The image of institutionalized corruption within the waqf system, involving beneficiaries, administrators, qadis and members of the elite, however, is not completely supported by the findings of the present study. Alongside cases of neglect and poor administration of waqf in Mandatory Jerusalem, there were numerous instances of estates being properly maintained and well managed. The waqfs own 80 per cent of the land in the Old City of Jerusalem, and their socio-political influence lies at the root of the present debate about the character and future of this holy city.

Infibulation is the most extreme form of female circumcision. It plays an important role in the Islamic societies of northeastern Africa. Until now, the social significance and function of this practice has been poorly understood. This has been no less true of Western commentators who have condemned the practice than of relevant governments that have attempted to curb it. In Infibulation, Esther K. Hicks analyzes female circumcision as a cultural trait embedded in a historically traditional milieu and shows why it cannot be treated in isolation as a single issue destined for elimination. In its brief history it has been recognized as a pioneering piece of research with enormous consequences.

As Hicks demonstrates, much of the popular resistance to official efforts to eradicate infibulation has actually come from women. Circumcision constitutes a rite of passage for female children. It initiates them into womanhood and makes them eligible for marriage. Often, this is the only positive status position available to women in traditional Islamic societies. Hicks points out that although female circumcision predates the introduction of Islam into the region, the religious culture has successfully codified infibulation into the structural nexus of marriage, family, and social honor at all socioeconomic levels.

The rise of merchant capital in Mecca conditioned the development of Meccan social, economic, religious, and political structure. Mahmood Ibrahim traces the roots of capitalism from the emergence of merchants as the main force in Mecca through the first civil war in Islam (656-661). Through a rereading of original Arabic sources and drawing from modern scholarship on the subject, Ibrahim offers a new interpretation of the rise of Islam. He argues that Islam contributed certain institutional beliefs and practices that unblocked obstacles and helped merchants gain political and economic hegemony over western Asia. Ibrahim contends that, with the conquest of Mecca, the newly formed Muslim state spread its control to the rest of Arabia, which mobilized a significant social force and allowed for further expansion outside Arabia, thus extending merchant control to include new surplus-producing regions, a vast network of trade routes, and wider markets. This extensively researched study offers a new interpretation of the history of Islam, including the formation of Islamic society and the unfolding of the first civil war. In offering a better understanding of the Umayyad Caliphate that ruled Islam for a century to come, Ibrahim helps lay the groundwork for understanding the Middle East as it is today. Of interest to scholars of Middle Eastern studies, this important work will be necessary reading for students of Near Eastern and North African history, as well as students of the history of Medieval Europe.

Politics in Indonesia describes the attitudes, aspirations and frustrations of the key players in Indonesian politics as they struggle to shape the future. The book focuses on the role of political Islam; Douglas E. Ramage shows that the state has been remarkably successful in maintaining secular political institutions in a predominantly Muslim society. He analyses the way in which political questions are framed with reference to the national ideology, the Pancasila.

This study examines the attitude of Egyptian intellectuals towards the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in modern Egypt. Though acknowledging that Islam is the basis of every aspect of life in Egyptian society, the intellectuals believe that to establish an Islamic state would mean a return to the Middle Ages and that Western values do not necessarily contradict Islam. Without taking advantage of the scientific and technological progress achieved in the West, Egypt cannot solve its social and economic problems and move forward into the 21st century. How far will these liberal intellectuals influence the future in Egypt?

Sheikh Yusuf al- Qaradawi is regarded as the most influential contemporary Muslim religious figure. His best-selling book, Al-Halal wal-Haram fi al-Islam ("The Forbidden and the Permitted in Islam") is perhaps one of the most widely read Islamic works, after the Qur'an. The subject of jihad in Palestine is a salient feature of Qaradawi's thought and is addressed frequently in his books. His views on Israel and on the Jews shape those of many Muslims throughout the world. This book paints al- Qaradawi's portrait within the context of the subject of the struggle for Palestine and assesses why he is committed so fervently to the Palestinian course. It also sheds light on another important aspect of al-Qaradawi's thought, namely the marked contrast between his ideas regarding the Muslim world and his views on relations with other religions and countries. Whereas al- Qaradawi is considered to be a moderate in Islamic matters, his attitude toward the Jews and to Israel is one of abiding hatred and uncompromising struggle. The book aims to classify Qaradawi's thought along the axis of moderation and extremism by drawing comparisons between Qaradawi's teachings and those of other Muslim jurists. Furthermore, it compares the features of antisemitic writing with that of Qaradawi in order to answer the question as to whether Qaradawi's teachings actually constitute an expression of anti-semitism. Despite the subject of jihad in Palestine being so central to Qaradawi's thought, there has not been a comprehensive and systematic academic study of this to date. The book therefore represents a major contribution to the field and will appeal to anyone studying the Israel-Palestine conflict, Islamic Studies, Jewish Studies, Terrorism and Political Violence.

This work focuses on the life and teachings of Islam's most dramatic and controversial mystic, Husayn ibn Mansur - better known as "al-Hallaj". It includes translations of his poetry and prose which are used to supplement contemporary 10th century accounts of the martyr's life. The author assesses the mystic's place in the traditional calling that he represents, and presents his conclusions in a single accessible volume designed for the general reader of religious traditions and philosophies.

This volume explores various facets of the Islamic search for knowledge. It examines figures as diverse as Abu Najib al-Suhrawardi and Ibn al-'Arabi on the one hand, and Ibn Battuta and Ibn Jubayr on the other. The volume is divided into two main sections - Thought and Travel - but all the essays are linked by the common theme of the quest for knowledge.;This collection offers insights which should be of interest all students and scholars of Islamic thought and travel.

This volume explores various facets of the Islamic search for knowledge. It examines figures as diverse as Abu Najib al-Suhrawardi and Ibn al-'Arabi on the one hand, and Ibn Battuta and Ibn Jubayr on the other. The volume is divided into two main sections - Thought and Travel - but all the essays are linked by the common theme of the quest for knowledge. This collection offers insights which should be of interest all students and scholars of Islamic thought and travel.

This is a systematic treatment of the religious, intellectual, cultural, and social foundations of Islamic resurgence in the modern Arab World.

Over the last three decades, Hezbollah has developed from a small radical organization into a major player in the Lebanese, regional, and even international political arenas. Its influence in military issues is well known, but its role in shaping cultural and political activities has not received enough attention. Kanaaneh sheds new light on the organization's successful evolution as a counterhegemonic force in the region's resistance movement, known as "Maqawama". Founded on the idea that Islam is a resisting religion, whose real heroes are the poor populations who have finally decided to take action, Hezbollah has shifted its focus to advocate for social justice issues and to attract ordinary activists to its cause. From the mid-1990s on, Hezbollah has built alliances that allow it to pursue soft power in Lebanon, fighting against both the dominant Shi'ite elites and the Maronite-Sunni, as well as Israeli and US influence in the region. Kanaaneh argues that this perpetual resistance - military as well as cultural and political - is fundamental to Hezbollah's continued success.

For Iran, the years since Ayatollah Khomeini's death have been dominated by the need for political consolidataion and economic reconstruction. The book assesses the critical dilemmas of the regime both prior to and since the demise of its first spiritual leader. The vital issues of political succession and constitutional reform are addressed, contributing to an analysis of the structures and politics of power. How these have reflected upon economic policy is considered with close attention being given to the reform policies of Rafsanjani. Foreign policy and security issues are discussed in both regional and global terms and include a study of Iranian defence strategy and its controversial rearmament drive. The final chapter examines the direction and context of all of these major policy areas. It provides an analysis of whether the Islamic Republic truly represents a revolutionary alternative for the Third World or whether in fact it has developed in time to fall within a similar mould to other notable revolutions, casting by the wayside any uniquely Islamic agenda and alternatives.