Since the Islamic revolutionary movement overthrew the Peacock Throne (the Shah) in 1979 the Islamic Republic has maintained its credibility and the loyalty of the people of Iran. It has survived an extremely destructive war with Iraq, isolation from the West and the rest of the Middle East except Syria, and the death of the Ayaltollah Khomeini.

This book explores the social transformation of Iran in this period stressing the importance of political culture and ideology. It argues that the systematic building of a legitimate Islamic political culture is the key to the success of the regime.

The authors of the book address specific aspects of Iran's political culture within a general theoretical framework laid out in the introduction. There is discussion of a wide range of topics ranging from the relationship of the individual to society to Westoxication, from Shi'ism to the Islamisation of film culture.

First published in 2004. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

Published here for the first time in English, this highly important work by Henry Corbin, the Islamic scholar, philosopher, and historian of religion, is a definitive interpretation of traditional Islamic philosophy from the beginning to the present day. In this authoritative volume, Corbin makes clear the great themes of the doctrinal and mystical vision of Islamic philosophy through a wealth of comparative parallels and in relation to the most profound currents of Western philosophy. Corbin's "History of Islamic Philosophy" is both an inspirational book and an essential work of reference, enabling readers to discover for themselves the richness of this body of thought.

With a rapidly growing population, deteriorating economic and environmental conditions, and an unstable imperial centre, Soviet Central Asia would seem destined to become one of the world's trouble spots. Why then the apparent political quiet? This book argues that this perception is, in itself, a reflection of our ignorance of the region. Instead, argues the author, Islamic traditionalism has not only survived but has flourished and is resurgent in Central Asia. This book includes chapters on marital customs, the care of children, communal decision making, social prestige and values, and the "second" economy in Central Asia. Poliakov demonstrates the resilience of an "un-Soviet" way of life which is supported by underground institutions, fostered by "unofficial" clergy, and protected by the infiltration and subordination of government and party organs.

Since before the dawn of history, the mountainous lands of the northern Middle East have been home to the Kurds. Labelled Mountain Turks in Turkey and Umayyad Arabs in Syria and Iraq and coupled with the outright denial of their existence in Iran and Soviet Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan, there is much confusion over the identity of the Kurds, even among the Kurds themselves.

"Precisely the kind of book that Western economists have been waiting for."-John Presley, former professor of economics, University of Loughborough A systematic and rigourous exposition of various aspects of the economics of Islam. These essays not only provide an overview of the various dimensions of Islamic economics but also convincingly establish the viability of the application of these concepts in the contemporary set-up. The analysis presented in this book also establishes the amenability of Islamic economics to scientific investigation and hence its conclusions and analysis directly comparable with what is known as the science of Economics. The scope of this book as well as the analytical and rigorous approach used in presenting Islamic economics makes this a useful and perhaps the only book so far available that can be utilized as teaching material in graduate programs in universities both in the East and the West where this subject is taught. It fulfills the need of graduate students of economics in that it provides rigorous reading material to assist them in their course work or in pursuing their own research on the subject. M. Fahim Khan is the president of the Islamic Society of Institutional Economics at the International Institute of Islamic Economics, Islamabad, Pakistan, and is the author of ten monographs on Islamic economics.

This book offers a comparative examination of Islamic welfare activities across urban areas in both Switzerland and Italy, in order to address general issues relating to the welfare engagement of Islamic organisations in Europe. Welfare Activities by New Religious Actors describes how Islamic organisations have been coordinated and structured in Geneva, Milan, Rome, and Zurich; four cities not yet analysed in the literature on Islamic welfare. It also explores the institutional opportunities and constraints that are able to influence forms of social religious activities at the local and international level, by bringing together two research fields that seldom speak to each other: social network analysis and political opportunity theory. This book will appeal to scholars of Sociology, Anthropology and Religious Studies dealing with the social and political inclusion of Muslims in Europe and the social activities of Islamic organisations in Western countries.

Since 9/11 interest in Islamophobia has steadily increased - as has the number of academic publications discussing the phenomenon. However, theoretical expositions have dominated the field. Lived experiences of Islamophobia, by contrast, have received little attention. In recognition of the importance of addressing this imbalance, this book provides theoretically-informed analyses alongside everyday testimonies of anti-Muslim racism, set comparatively in an international context. Carr argues that the failure of the neoliberal state to collect data on anti-Muslim racism highlights the perpetuation of 'race' blindness within governance. Not only does this mean that the salience of racism is denied in the lives of those who experience it, but this also enables the state to absolve itself from challenging the issue and providing the necessary supports to Muslim communities. Offering original empirical research and theoretical engagement with the concept of 'race'-blind neoliberal governance, this book will appeal to students and scholars across the social sciences, in addition to policymakers and activists working in this topical area.

Max Weber and Islam is a major effort by Islamic-studies specialists to reexamine and appraise Max Weber's perspectives on Islam and its historical development. Eight specialists on Islam and two sociologists explore many dimensions of Weber's comments on Islam, along with Weber's conceptual framework. The volume's introduction links the discussions to contemporary issues and debates. Wolfgang Schluchter reconstructs Weber's conceptual apparatus as it applies to Islam and its historical development. In subsequent chapters, Islamic specialists consider such major topics as the developmental history of Islam, Islamic fundamentalism, Islamic reform, Islamic law and capitalism, secularization in Islam, as well as the value of attempting to apply Weber's concept of sects to Islam. While some authors find flaws in Weber's factual knowledge of Islam, they also find considerable merit in the kinds of questions Weber raised. Contributors to the volume include highly respected contemporary international scholars of Islam: Ira Lapidus, Nehemia Levtzion, Richard M. Eaton, Peter Hardy, Rudolph Peters, Barbara Metcalf, Francis Robinson, Patricia Crone, Michael Cook, and S.N. Eisenstadt. Toby Huff's introduction not only knits the thematics of the separate essays together but adds its own stresses while engaging the contributors in dialogue and debate about fundamental issues. This acute collective analysis establishes a new benchmark for understanding Weber and Islam. This book also provides an up-to-date overview of the developmental history of many aspects of Islam. A major reappraisal of the entire span of Max Weber's sociological thought on Islam, this book will appeal to a wide range of scholars and laymen interested in the Islamic world. It will be of particular interest to sociologists specializing in religion and Middle East area specialists.

Abu Hamid Muhammad al-Ghazzali (1058-1111) is one of the most important religious figures in Islamic history. He is particularly noted for his brilliant synthesis of mysticism and traditional Sunni Islam. Ghazzali's "The Alchemy of Happiness", written toward the end of his life, provides a succinct introduction to both the theory and practice of Sufism (Islamic mysticism). It thus offers many insights into traditional Muslim society. This translation is fully annotated for readers unfamiliar with Ghazzali and includes an introduction to his life and historical milieu.

With a rapidly growing population, deteriorating economic and environmental conditions, and an unstable imperial centre, Soviet Central Asia would seem destined to become one of the world's trouble spots. Why then the apparent political quiet? This book argues that this perception is, in itself, a reflection of our ignorance of the region. Instead, argues the author, Islamic traditionalism has not only survived but has flourished and is resurgent in Central Asia. This book includes chapters on marital customs, the care of children, communal decision making, social prestige and values, and the "second" economy in Central Asia. Poliakov demonstrates the resilience of an "un-Soviet" way of life which is supported by underground institutions, fostered by "unofficial" clergy, and protected by the infiltration and subordination of government and party organs.

This text challenges existing writing on 'Abd al-Qa dir al-Jaza 'iri which divides his life into two juxtaposed phases separated by narratives of conversion: from Francophobia to Francophilia, from militarism to pacifism, from activism to quietism, from Islamism to pluralism, from politics to religion. This work's interdisciplinary approach demonstrates that these narratives cannot be sustained in light of the evidence. Rather, they can be shown to originate in specific historical, cultural, and methodological tendencies within western societies and academies. Drawing on primary materials including archival documents and selections from his own writing, it constructively critiques his reception in the literature while advancing a continuous and contextualised account of his life and ideas. These include the relating of his ethico-religious and jurisprudential concerns to his political decision-making, and a resituating of his mystical writings within a definite moral, epistemological, and political context. By problematising these interpretive issues, this thesis aims at opening new avenues for understanding even as it offers its own solutions. In so doing, this study contributes to discussions on Sufism, political Islam, and east-west relations. This monograph has been awarded the annual BRAIS - De Gruyter Prize in the Study of Islam and the Muslim World.

This new 4 volume collection will bring together the key literature on Islam and Society. In four broad themes the collection will cover Islam and power; minorities and pluralism; everyday life, ethics and community building; subjectivation, discipline and piety. Fully indexed and including a newly written introduction by the editor, this is an essential reference resource for student and scholar.

The introduction of Greek philosophy into the Muslim world left an indelible mark on Islamic intellectual history. Philosophical discourse became a constant element in even traditionalist Islamic sciences. However, Aristotelian metaphysics gave rise to doctrines about God and the universe that were found highly objectionable by a number of Muslim theologians, among whom the fourteenth-century scholar Ibn Taymiyya stood foremost.

Ibn Taymiyya, one of the greatest and most prolific thinkers in medieval Islam, held Greek logic responsible for the `heretical' metaphysical conclusions reached by Islamic philosophers, theologians, mystics, and others. He therefore set out to refute philosophical logic, a task which culminated in one of the most devastating attacks ever levelled against the logical system upheld by the early Greeks, the later commentators, and their Muslim followers. His argument is grounded in an empirical approach that in many respects prefigures the philosophies of the British empiricists.

Professor Hallaq's translation, with a substantial introduction and extensive notes, makes this important work available to a wider audience for the first time.

Sheikh Yusuf al- Qaradawi is regarded as the most influential contemporary Muslim religious figure. His best-selling book, Al-Halal wal-Haram fi al-Islam ("The Forbidden and the Permitted in Islam") is perhaps one of the most widely read Islamic works, after the Qur'an. The subject of jihad in Palestine is a salient feature of Qaradawi's thought and is addressed frequently in his books. His views on Israel and on the Jews shape those of many Muslims throughout the world. This book paints al- Qaradawi's portrait within the context of the subject of the struggle for Palestine and assesses why he is committed so fervently to the Palestinian course. It also sheds light on another important aspect of al-Qaradawi's thought, namely the marked contrast between his ideas regarding the Muslim world and his views on relations with other religions and countries. Whereas al- Qaradawi is considered to be a moderate in Islamic matters, his attitude toward the Jews and to Israel is one of abiding hatred and uncompromising struggle. The book aims to classify Qaradawi's thought along the axis of moderation and extremism by drawing comparisons between Qaradawi's teachings and those of other Muslim jurists. Furthermore, it compares the features of antisemitic writing with that of Qaradawi in order to answer the question as to whether Qaradawi's teachings actually constitute an expression of anti-semitism. Despite the subject of jihad in Palestine being so central to Qaradawi's thought, there has not been a comprehensive and systematic academic study of this to date. The book therefore represents a major contribution to the field and will appeal to anyone studying the Israel-Palestine conflict, Islamic Studies, Jewish Studies, Terrorism and Political Violence.

The world is watching with uncertainity as the "Arab Spring" unfolds. Optimistically named by international media sources, the term "Arab Spring" associates the unrest with ideas of renewal, revival, and democratic thought and deed. Many hoped the overthrow of authoritarian leaders signaled a promising new beginning for the Arab world. Raphael Israeli argues that instead of paving a path toward liberal democracy, the Arab Spring in fact launched a power struggle. Judging from the experiences of countries where the dust is settling including Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, and perhaps also Syria and Libya it appears that Islamic governments will fill the vacuum in leadership. The hopes that swept the Islamic world with the Arab Spring have given way to a winter of lost hopes and aspirations, as it becomes increasingly clear that democratic outcomes are not on the horizon. What is worse is that the West seems to have abandoned its hopes for democracy and freedom in the region, instead making peace with the idea that Islamic governments must be accepted as the lesser of evil options. Presenting a clear-eyed picture of the situation, Israeli examines thematic problems that cut across all the Muslim states experiencing unrest. He groups the countries into various blocs according to their shared characteristics, then discusses these groups one by one. For each country, he considers whether the liberal-democratic option is viable and examines what kind of regime could be considered legitimate and stable. This volume offers valuable insights for political scientists, Middle Eastern specialists, and the general informed public eager to comprehend the import of these momentous events.

Since the World Trade Center attacks in New York on September 11, 2001, Europe has been plagued by Islamist attacks that have taken many lives and disrupted many services. Considerable attention has been paid to radical Islamist attacks on the United Kingdom, France, and Germany, but far less focus has been on the Islamist extremist impact on the rest of Europe. This book warns all Europeans, but Middle Easterners as well, that they are not immune to terror. That terror is confined to Jews and Israel is a myth. Muslim extremist attacks have taken place against other Muslim nations--as well as European nations in which Jewish influence or Israeli support is negligible. The waves of Muslim recrimination against the West have given rise to internal struggles within the Arab world played out in terrorist acts. Muslim brotherhoods have defined a global war against other religions, nations, and cultures that stray from the principles of fundamentalism--a cultural and military jihad. Just where religious identity supervenes national identity has become a critical turning point. Israeli's book shows that the line between moderates and extremists within the Islamic fold is vague, ambiguous, and in certain situations non-existent. It draws attention to polls and public sentiments of the Islamic faithful, and emphasizes the Islamic attack on modernization and its cultural sources. This timely volume is addressed to those in the West who are not accustomed to thinking in apocalyptic terms. Israeli provides painstaking details of European responses to Islamist challenges, particularly those who prefer pragmatic compliance rather than response. He demonstrates that Islamic extremism continues to grow in the heartland of the European world. This is neither an optimistic nor pessimistic book; its disturbing message may be a wake-up call to some. It is a necessary read for those who want to go beyond news, opting for a more intellectual and comprehensive diet.

In the seventh and eighth centuries, the Muslim Arabs conquered large areas of North Africa and then, with the help of their former adversaries in North Africa, the Berbers, gained a decisive victory over the Visigoths in Spain. This book, first published in 1989 and based on Arabic and other sources, describes the process of conquest and settlement, first depicting the lack of unity in North Africa and the corruption and insolvency in Spain that made the advance possible. It provides an invaluable classification of the Arab and Berber settlers in Spain by tribal origin, area of settlement and time of entry. The book emphasises throughout the importance of the economic and administrative relationship between North Africa and Spain. It charts the growing resentment of the early settlers in Spain with the restrictions on their autonomy imposed by the Governor-General of North Africa and the caliphate. It describes the rising tensions between old and new settlers and between the different tribal groups, finally leading to the Berber revolt and Abdulrahman's consolidation of power towards the end of the Umayyad caliphate.

Hatred, Lies, and Violence in the World of Islam examines the torrential flood of anti-Israeli, anti-Jewish, and anti-Zionist propaganda that permeates many Muslim societies. Raphael Israeli locates the source of this anti-Semitic sentiment in the inadequacies and insecurities of Muslim states. By demonizing and delegitimizing Israel and Jews, they seek to eliminate a successful counterexample of their own failures, thus putting an end to their own "humiliation." Beyond mapping the distribution of anti-Israel and anti-Jewish propaganda in the Arab and Islamic worlds, Israeli uses case-studies to illustrate the premises of this study: the Palestinians, who have a direct stake in battling Israel; Turkey, which now claims leadership of the Arab and Sunni Muslim worlds; and Shi'ite Iran, which provides a more extreme example of both hatred and disregard for fact and history while threatening to destroy Israel. Israeli documents the worldwide collaboration between Jew-haters of all sorts, explaining the exponential growth of Jew-hatred on the Internet, with thousands of new hate sites added every year, outpacing Jew-hatred in the traditional media. He places anti-Semitism in a broader tradition of political lies and political deceit. In the final chapter, Israeli considers the possibility of reversing anti-Jewish agitation in Muslim countries, which he finds unlikely because so many of the region's regimes are built on foundations of anti-Semitism.

Modern Arab and Muslim hostility towards Jews and Israel is rooted not only in the Arab-Israeli conflict and traditional Islamic teaching but also in Christian anti-Semitic attitudes brought into the Islamic world by Western colonial powers. In this volume, Raphael Israeli examines how the worsening situation in the Middle East together with large waves of Muslim immigration to Europe, North America, and Australia has brought about a comingling of two anti-Semitic traditions.As the author explains, the unique interaction of Muslim immigrants in the West with the host societies brought them into contact with local, traditional anti- Semites of the xenophobic fascist and racist Right along with the avowedly anti-Zionist Left, to build a formidable wall of hatred against the Jewish state and its people. To complicate this picture further, the same Muslim immigrants share with them minority status in a Christian majority society. Often finding themselves at odds with the majority host society, they find themselves subject to criticism and censure on all sides. They are engaged simultaneously in battle with both their host society into which they cannot integrate, and their Jewish compatriots who are a model of good integration. Consequently, they feel exposed and lose ground in the struggle for social acceptance.Israeli lays out the nature and ideologies of the Muslim immigrant world and shows how in each European country they create their own ethnic sub-groups and religious communities, often in competition with each other. This remarkable and courageous book will be of interest to sociologists, Middle East specialists, and political scientists.

Political leaders of the 1930s may be accused of blindness to danger in their failed attempts to appease totalitarian aggression, but no one doubts they believed they were doing so to preserve their way of life. In contrast, Raphael Israeli suggests that twenty-first century appeasement of Islamists, wherever it occurs, is different. Appeasement in the advanced modern states of this century--in Europe, Australia, Canada, and even in parts of Asia--is characterized by what amounts to a self-inflicted humiliation, in misguided efforts to slow the advance of a rising Islamist tide. Such appeasement surrenders core aspects of sovereignty, turning non-Muslim populations into second- and third-class citizens in their own countries.Disturbing warning signs first emerged in Europe, but were either not noticed or denied. They extended to the periphery of the Muslim world, but their development in Western countries were unnoticed or denied, until they hit also the peripheral areas of the Muslim world. Canada and Australia, and to some extent the countries of Asia, fell into a syndrome of denial, which persisted until they were forced to listen, often at a price in human lives and carnage. In Europe, the core of the Muslim presence developed in countries like Britain, France and Germany, which lacked law-enforcement against terrorists because the executive and judiciary emphasized human rights and apparent safety over defensive measures to protect their citizens and way of life.Both the United States and Great Britain needed a traumatic jolt before they moved to act. In the United States, it would be the watershed event of September 11, 2001; in London, the July 7, 2005 bombings. And there were events in other countries: in Spain, the March 2004 Madrid train bombings; in France, the violent riots of 2005; in Amsterdam, the van Gogh murder; in Asia, the Bali horror; and finally in Scandinavia, the Cartoon Affair. These jolts shattered the tranquility of populations who had believed in peaceful coexistence with Muslim immigrants and in the feasibility of their integration into national societies. This study fills a large void in the examination of the consequences of new migrations of Muslim populations into advanced and modern societies throughout the world.

In "Islamic Identity and Development," Ozay Mehmet examines the Islamic revival which is occurring in many developing countries. He places Islamic reassertion and identity in the wider context of the dilemma of reconciling nationalism with Islam. Turkey and Malaysia, two countries on the Islamic periphery, have been both at the forefront of modernization and development, and subjects of an increasing revivalism disclosing a profound identity crisis.
Ozay Mehmet views the Islamic revival primarily as a protest movement, concentrated among urban migrant settlements where uneven postwar growth has upset the traditional Islamic order. Currently, both countries are dealing with serious development and cultural issues. Arguing that Islamic societies must move towards greater openness and an organic relationship between rulers and ruled, Mehmet champions a public policy responsive to human material needs which also satisfies the ethical conditions of the Islamic social contract.

In 2011, the Maghreb occupied a prominent place in world headlines when Sidi Bouzid, Tunisia, became the birthplace of the so-called Arab Spring. Events in Tunisia sparked huge and sometimes violent uprisings. Longstanding dictatorships fell in their wake. The ensuing democratic reforms resulted in elections and the victory of several Islamist political parties in the Arab world. This book explores the origins, development and rise of these Islamist parties by focusing on the people behind them. In doing so, it provides readers with a concise history of Sunni Islam in North Africa, the violent struggles against European colonial occupation, and the subsequent quest for an affirmation of Muslim identities in its wake. Exploring Islamism as an identity movement rooted in the colonial experience, this book argues that votes for Islamist parties after the Arab Spring reflected a universal human need for an authentic sense of self. This view contrasts with the popular belief that support for Islamists in North Africa reflects a dangerous "fundamentalist" view of the world that seeks to simply impose archaic religious laws on modern societies. Rather, the electoral success of Islamists in the Maghreb, like Tunisia's Ennahdha party, is rooted in a reaffirmation of the Arab-Islamic identities of the Maghreb states, long delayed by dictatorships that mimicked Western models and ideologies (e.g., Socialism). Ultimately, however, it is argued that this affirmation is a temporary phenomenon that will give way in time to the fundamental need for good governance, accountability, and a stable growing economy in these countries. Written in an accessible format, and providing fresh analytical perspectives on Islamism in the Maghreb, this book will be a valuable tool for students and scholars of Political Islam and North African Politics.

A study of the history of Soviet Central Asia and the demographic, political, economic and cultural weight of the Muslims that reside there. This book examines current trends in this area which is one of Russia's most turbulent and misunderstood minority regions.

A study of the history of Soviet Central Asia and the demographic, political, economic and cultural weight of the Muslims that reside there. This book examines current trends in this area which is one of Russia's most turbulent and misunderstood minority regions.