In recent years, it has become increasingly clear to many observers that the Department of Defense must better communicate to the officers at the tactical end of the nuclear mission a rationale for nuclear weapons and deterrence, the critical role that they play in the post-Cold War strategy of the United States, and the value of nuclear weapons to the security of the American people. This report tracks the changing conceptual and political landscape of U.S. nuclear deterrence to illuminate the gap in prioritizing the nuclear arsenal and to build a compelling rationale for tactical personnel explaining the role and value of U.S. nuclear weapons.

As the costs of a preemptive foreign policy in Iraq have become clear, strategies such as containment and deterrence have been gaining currency among policy makers. This comprehensive book offers an agenda for the contemporary practice of deterrence--especially as it applies to nuclear weapons--in an increasingly heterogeneous global and political setting.
Moving beyond the precepts of traditional deterrence theory, this groundbreaking volume offers insights for the use of deterrence in the modern world, where policy makers may encounter irrational actors, failed states, religious zeal, ambiguous power relationships, and other situations where the traditional rules of statecraft do not apply. A distinguished group of contributors here examines issues such as deterrence among the Great Powers; the problems of regional and nonstate actors; and actors armed with chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons. "Complex Deterrence "will be a valuable resource for anyone facing the considerable challenge of fostering security and peace in the twenty-first century.

The volume 40 (Part I) compiles the disarmament resolutions and decisions of the seventieth session of the General Assembly, the voting patterns in the General Assembly and the First Committee report and dates of their adoption.

The emergence of the rockets during the Cold War provided the United States and the Soviet Union the ability to spy on each other from space and led to the ballistic missile. The Cold War was the focus of the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations, and it was this war that drove initial U.S. space policy and strategy. The utilization of space quickly expanded beyond the Cold War protagonists, and unfortunately the domestic and international framework for developing space policy did not keep up with the world's utilization of the space domain. From its inception, U.S. strategy for developing space policy lacked foresight. When it came to developing space policy, every administration seemed to start anew. This lack of foresight resulted in short term fixes leading to long term problems like excessive space debris. The international community also has challenges. With the number of countries, consortiums and companies with satellites on orbit, the international community's governing body for space law and treaties is the United Nations (U.N.). Unfortunately, the U.N. does not have the authority, expertise or structure to create and execute effective space laws and treaties.

No issue on the foreign policy agenda is more controversial than how to deal with Iran's nuclear program, and Foreign Affairs continues to dominate the debate.
This special collection, Iran and the Bomb 2: A New Hope, pulls together a broad range of pieces that illuminate Iran's turn toward negotiations, the pros and cons of the interim agreement, and the geopolitical and psychological intricacies of the crucial U.S.-Iranian-Israeli triangle. The authors include world-renowned experts from several disciplines and professional backgrounds, and their arguments span every significant position on the political spectrum.
Iran and the Bomb 2: A New Hope offers an excellent overview of the current situation and all the material required for readers to develop their own opinions about how to proceed.