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Books > Social sciences > Warfare & defence > War & defence operations > Battles & campaigns
The Emergence of the French Public Intellectual provides a working
definition of "public intellectuals" in order to clarify who they
are and what they do. It then follows their varied itineraries from
the Middle Ages through the Renaissance and the Enlightenment to
the nineteenth century. Public intellectuals became a fixture in
French society during the Dreyfus Affair but have a long history in
France, as the contributions of Christine de Pizan, Voltaire, and
Victor Hugo, among many others, illustrate. The French novelist
Emile Zola launched the Dreyfus Affair when he published
"J'Accuse," an open letter to French President Felix Faure
denouncing a conspiracy by the government and army against Captain
Alfred Dreyfus, who was Jewish and had been wrongly convicted of
treason three years earlier. The consequent emergence of a
publicly-engaged intellectual created a new, modern space in
intellectual life as France and the world confronted the challenges
of the twentieth century.
The First World War (1914-1918) marked a turning point in modern
history and culture and its literary legacy is vast: poetry,
fiction and memoirs abound. But the drama of the period is rarely
recognised, with only a handful of plays commonly associated with
the war."First World War Plays" draws together canonical and
lesser-known plays from the First World War to the end of the
twentieth century, tracing the ways in which dramatists have
engaged with and resisted World War I in their works. Spanning
almost a century of conflict, this anthology explores the changing
cultural attitudes to warfare, including the significance of the
war over time, interwar pacifism, and historical revisionism. The
collection includes writing by combatants, as well as playwrights
addressing historical events and national memory, by both men and
women, and by writers from Great Britain and the United
States.Plays from the period, like "Night Watches" by Allan
Monkhouse (1916), "Mine Eyes Have Seen" by Alice Dunbar-Nelson
(1918) and "Tunnel Trench" by Hubert Griffith (1924), are joined
with reflections on the war in "Post Mortem" by Noel Coward (1930,
performed 1944) and "Oh What A Lovely War" by Joan Littlewood's
Theatre Workshop (1963) as well as later works "The Accrington
Pals" by Peter Whelan (1982) and "Sea and Land and Sky "by Abigail
Docherty (2010).Accompanied by a general introduction by editor, Dr
Mark Rawlinson.
The claim by the Ministry of Defence in 2001 that 'the experience
of numerous small wars has provided the British Army with a unique
insight into this demanding form of conflict' unravelled
spectacularly in Iraq and Afghanistan. One important reason for
that, David French suggests, was because contemporary British
counter-insurgency doctrine was based upon a serious misreading of
the past.
Until now, many observers believed that during the wars of
decolonisation in the two decades after 1945, the British had
discovered how western liberal notions of right and wrong could be
made compatible with the imperatives of waging war amongst the
people, that force could be used effectively but with care, and
that a more just and prosperous society could emerge from these
struggles. By using only the minimum necessary force, and doing so
with the utmost discrimination, the British were able to win by
securing the 'hearts and minds' of the people. But this was a
serious distortion of actual British practice on the ground. David
French's main contention is that the British hid their use of naked
force behind a carefully constructed veneer of legality. In
reality, they commonly used wholesale coercion, including cordon
and search operations, mass detention without trial, forcible
population resettlement, and the creation of free-fire zones to
intimidate and lock-down the civilian population. The British waged
their counter-insurgency campaigns by being nasty, not nice, to the
people.
The British Way in Counter-Insurgency is a seminal reassessment of
the historical foundation of British counter doctrine and practice.
In their initial effort to end the Vietnam War, Richard Nixon and
Henry Kissinger attempted to lever concessions from Hanoi at the
negotiating table with military force and coercive diplomacy. They
were not seeking military victory, which they did not believe was
feasible. Instead, they backed up their diplomacy toward North
Vietnam and the Soviet Union with the Madman Theory of threatening
excessive force, which included the specter of nuclear force. They
began with verbal threats then bombed North Vietnamese and Viet
Cong base areas in Cambodia, signaling that there was more to come.
As the bombing expanded, they launched a previously unknown mining
ruse against Haiphong, stepped-up their warnings to Hanoi and
Moscow, and initiated planning for a massive shock-and-awe military
operation referred to within the White House inner circle as DUCK
HOOK. Beyond the mining of North Vietnamese ports and selective
bombing in and around Hanoi, the initial DUCK HOOK concept included
proposals for "tactical" nuclear strikes against logistics targets
and U.S. and South Vietnamese ground incursions into the North. In
early October 1969, however, Nixon aborted planning for the
long-contemplated operation. He had been influenced by Hanoi's
defiance in the face of his dire threats and concerned about U.S.
public reaction, antiwar protests, and internal administration
dissent. In place of DUCK HOOK, Nixon and Kissinger launched a
secret global nuclear alert in hopes that it would lend credibility
to their prior warnings and perhaps even persuade Moscow to put
pressure on Hanoi. It was to be a "special reminder" of how far
President Nixon might go. The risky gambit failed to move the
Soviets, but it marked a turning point in the administration's
strategy for exiting Vietnam. Nixon and Kissinger became
increasingly resigned to a "long-route" policy of providing Saigon
with a "decent chance" of survival for a "decent interval" after a
negotiated settlement and U.S. forces left Indochina. Burr and
Kimball draw upon extensive research in participant interviews and
declassified documents to offer a history that holds important
lessons for the present and future about the risks and
uncertainties of nuclear threat making.
This book explores the diverse range of practical and theoretical
challenges and possibilities that digital technologies and
platforms pose for Holocaust memory, education and research. From
social media to virtual reality, 360-degree imaging to machine
learning, there can be no doubt that digital media penetrate
practice in these fields. As the Holocaust moves beyond living
memory towards solely mediated memory, it is imperative that we pay
critical attention to the way digital technologies are shaping
public memory and education and research. Bringing together the
voices of heritage and educational professionals, and academics
from the arts and humanities and the social sciences, this
interdisciplinary collection explores the practicalities of
creating digital Holocaust projects, the educational value of such
initiatives, and considers the extent to which digital technologies
change the way we remember, learn about and research the Holocaust,
thinking through issues such as ethics, embodiment, agency,
community, and immersion. At its core, this volume interrogates the
extent to which digital interventions in these fields mark an
epochal shift in Holocaust memory, education and research, or
whether they continue to be shaped by long-standing debates and
guidelines developed in the broadcast era.
In 1776, when the Continental Congress declared independence,
formally severing relations with Great Britain, it immediately
began to fashion new objects and ceremonies of state with which to
proclaim the sovereignty of the infant republic.
In this marvelous social and cultural history of the Continental
Congress, Benjamin H. Irvin describes this struggle to create a
national identity during the American Revolution. The book examines
the material artifacts, rituals, and festivities by which Congress
endeavored not only to assert its political legitimacy and to
bolster the war effort, but ultimately to exalt the United States
and to win the allegiance of its inhabitants. Congress, for
example, crafted an emblematic great seal, celebrated anniversaries
of U.S. independence, and implemented august diplomatic protocols
for the reception of foreign ministers. Yet as Irvin demonstrates,
Congress could not impose its creations upon a passive American
public. To the contrary, "the people out of doors"-broadly defined
to include not only the working poor who rallied in the streets of
Philadelphia, but all persons unrepresented in the Continental
Congress, including women, loyalists, and Native
Americans-vigorously contested Congress's trappings of
nationhood.
Vividly narrating the progress of the Revolution in Philadelphia
and the lived experiences of its inhabitants during the tumultuous
war, Clothed in Robes of Sovereignty sharpens our understanding of
the relationship between political elites and crowds of workaday
protestors as it illuminates the ways in which ideologies of
gender, class, and race shaped the civic identity of the
Revolutionary United States.
One of the decisive battles of the 20th century began on August 29,
1914 with the cry that echoed throughout France: "The Prussians are
coming!" It ended on September 10th, that same year. Earlier, more
than a million German troops-five massive armies-poured into
Belgium and France. The French army began the biggest retreat in
its history, and Germany seemed about to triumph. But the German
right wing, instead of wheeling to the east of Paris, as the famous
Schlieffen Plan required, crossed to the west of Paris, exposing
its banks. The counterattack was led from Paris, using the city's
taxi streets in a famous dash to take soldiers to the front. The
German plan was thwarted, and the Kaiser's army was forced to
retreat. It was an astonishing and costly victory: over 300,000
French soldiers died. As stirring as a novel, The Marne is a
classic of military history.
Twenty-three countries currently allow women to serve in front-line
combat positions and others with a high likelihood of direct enemy
contact. This book examines how these decisions did or did not
evolve in 47 countries. This timely and fascinating book explores
how different countries have determined to allow women in the
military to take on combat roles-whether out of a need for
personnel, a desire for the military to reflect the values of the
society, or the opinion that women improve military
effectiveness-or, in contrast, have disallowed such a move on
behalf of the state. In addition, many countries have insurgent or
dissident factions, in that have led armed resistance to state
authority in which women have been present, requiring national
militaries and peacekeepers to engage them, incorporate them, or
disarm and deradicalize them. This country-by country analysis of
the role of women in conflicts includes insightful essays on such
countries as Afghanistan, China, Germany, Iraq, Israel, Russia, and
the United States. Each essay provides important background
information to help readers to understand the cultural and
political contexts in which women have been integrated into their
countries' militaries, have engaged in combat during the course of
conflict, and have come to positions of political power that affect
military decisions. Delineates the ways in which women are
incorporated into national militaries in both the United States and
countries around the world Offers in each entry the distinct
national context in which countries have decided to employ women in
warfare Reveals how different nations choose to include or exclude
women from the military, providing key insight into each nation's
values and priorities Examines how governments treat women serving
in combat: battlefield experience can "earn" a woman citizenship or
be cause for shunning her, depending on the state
This book chronicles the lives and deaths of courageous Canadians.
It also tells the inspiring story of how the citizens of Nelson of
all ages, with help from surrounding communities, marshalled all
their resources and devoted their civic life for six long years to
help make victory possible. Their efforts prompted some to call
Nelson "The Most Patriotic Town in B.C." And, Nelsons story
highlights an important chapter of Canadian history -- the
invaluable contribution to the Allied war effort made by countless
small Canadian communities across the country.
Allied Fighters 1939-45 offers an highly-illustrated guide to
Allied fighter aircraft that fought in Europe during World War II.
Featuring all the main models flown by the Allied air forces from
1939 to 1945, the book offers a wealth of detail, including unit
markings, organization, numbers of aircraft flown by campaign and
exhaustive specifications for each model. The book is arranged
first by country and then chronologically by campaign so that every
aspect of the air war in Europe is covered. The guide features
fighters from throughout World War II, including early models, such
as the Morane Saulnier MS.406C.1, Hawker Hurricane Mk I and Fokker
D XXI, and the most advanced fighters of the period, such as the
Lavochkin La-7, P-51K Mustang and Gloster Meteor Mk I.The book also
covers aircraft that were used for air-to-air combat (Supermarine
Spitfire), ground attack (P-47 Thunderbolt), bomber escort (P-51B
Mustang), night defence (Bristol Beaufighter) and photographic
reconnaissance (P-38 Lightning). Packed with more than 200 profiles
and dozens of archive photographs of every major Allied fighter
aircraft, Allied Fighters 1939-45 is a core reference volume for
modellers and World War II aviation enthusiasts.
Even Mississippi textbooks rarely mention the part Mississippi men
and women played in World War I. Mississippians in the Great War
presents in their own words the story of Mississippians and their
roles. This body of work divides into five sections, each
associated with crucial dates of American action. Comments relating
to various military actions are interspersed throughout to give the
reader a context of the wide variety of experiences. Additionally,
where possible, Anne L. Webster provides information on the soldier
or sailor to show what became of him after his service. Webster
examined newspapers from all corners of the state for ""letters
home,"" most appearing in newspapers from Natchez, Greenville, and
Pontotoc. The authors of the letters gathered here are from
soldiers, aviators, sailors, and relief workers engaged in the
service of their country. Letter writing skills varied from
citizens of minimal literacy to those who would later become
published authors and journalists. These letters reflect the
experiences of green, young Mississippians as they endured training
camp, voyaged across the Atlantic to France, and participated in
horrific battles leaving some scarred for life. To round out the
picture, Webster includes correspondence from nurses and YMCA
workers who describe drills, uniforms, parades, and celebrations.
In this celebrated, landmark history of the Balkans, Misha Glenny
investigates the roots of the bloodshed, invasions and nationalist
fervour that have come to define our understanding of the
south-eastern edge of Europe. In doing so, he reveals that groups
we think of as implacable enemies have, over the centuries, formed
unlikely alliances, thereby disputing the idea that conflict in the
Balkans is the ineluctable product of ancient grudges. And he
exposes the often-catastrophic relationship between the Balkans and
the rest of Europe, raising profound questions about recent Western
intervention. Updated to cover the last decade's brutal conflicts
in Kosovo and Macedonia, the surge of organised crime in the
region, the rise of Turkey and the rocky road to EU membership, The
Balkans remains the essential and peerless study of Europe's most
complex and least understood region.
The conquest of the air-and beyond
This interesting book, which includes photographs and diagrams,
describes the early years of man's attempts to gain mastery of the
air. It chronicles the first, rudimentary attempts at flight in
balloons to their ultimate development including their use during
the Great War. Next came the age of the dirigible including, of
course, the mighty Zeppelin. Allied dirigibles of the First World
War are also considered. Most significant, however, was the
development of powered, heavier than air, winged, machines and in
this account they are described from their genesis with the Wright
brothers to their use in the first great conflict which led to the
creation of the air forces of the world. German and Allied aircraft
are discussed, together with their various uses, applications and
the deeds of the intrepid young men who flew them. There are not
many accounts of the early days of aviation in peace and war so any
addition to their number is welcome. This book was written before
the potential of the aircraft had been fully realised and is an
interesting perspective on how the first pilots, aircraft
designers, manufacturers and visionaries saw them and their future
in the opening decades of the twentieth century. An essential
addition to any library of early aviation, this book is
recommended.
Leonaur editions are newly typeset and are not facsimiles; each
title is available in softcover and hardback with dustjacket; our
hardbacks are cloth bound and feature gold foil lettering on their
spines and fabric head and tail bands.
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