Das Interesse fur das Problem "Werksgemeinschaft" ist standig im Wachsen. Aus allen Erorterungen ist aber erkennbar, dass sowohl uber die Entstehung der Werksgemeinschafts bewegung als auch uber den Begriff Werksgemeinschaft noch grosste Unklarheit herrscht. Der Verfasser des ersten Teils der vorliegeRden Schrift hat sich die Aufgabe gestellt, die historische Entwicklung des Werksgemeinschaftsgedankens zu zeigen und gleichzeitig aus dem Schrifttum uber die Werksgemeinschaft das, was Wesentliches uber Idee, Wesen und Organisation gesagt wird, zusammenzufassen und soweit erforderlich kritisch zu beleuchten. Dem Verfasser des zweiten Teiles dagegen kommt es darauf an, die Idee der Werksgemeinschaft auf ihren soziologisch-syste matischen Gehalt zu untersuchen und ihre Fundamentierung und Gestaltung dem sozialwissenschaftlichen Denken der Gegen- wart naherzubringen. Es handelt sich in dieser Doppelschrift nicht um eine wirt schaftspolitische Programmschrift. In aller Sachlichkeit und auf wissenschaftlicher Grundlage soll das Wesen und Werden der "Werksgemeinschaft" gezeigt werden, wie es sich uns gegenwartig darstellt und weitere Ent-wicklungsmoglichkeiten bietet. Berlin, im Oktober 1928. Vorwel'ck. Dunkmann. Inhaltsverzeichnis. Erster Teil. Die Werksgemeinschaft in historischer und wirtschafts wissenschaftlicher Beleuchtung. Von Dr. Karl Vorwerck. Seite 1. Anfange der Werksgemeinschaftsbewegung . 1 2. Die Idee der Werksgemeinschaft ... 8 3. Werksgemeinschaft ? . . . . . . . 20 4. Die Gestaltung der Werksgemeinschaft 26 5. Wege zur Werksgemeinschaft . 39 6. Die Kritiker .. .. 51 Literaturverzeichnis . . . 58 Zweiter Teil. Werksgemeinschaft als Organisationsproblem. Von Prof. D. Karl Dunkmann. 1. Die Aufgabe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 2. Die Notwendigkeit der Organisation der Industriearbeiter. 66 3. Die Organisation der Interessenkoalition . 69 4. Kritik der Interessenkoalition . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 5. Das Fuhrerproblem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90 . 6. Das Lohnproblem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 ."

A long-overlooked group of workers and their battle for rights and dignity Like thousands of African American women, Charlotte Adelmond and Dollie Robinson worked in New York's power laundry industry in the 1930s. Jenny Carson tells the story of how substandard working conditions, racial and gender discrimination, and poor pay drove them to help unionize the city's laundry workers. Laundry work opened a door for African American women to enter industry, and their numbers allowed women like Adelmond and Robinson to join the vanguard of a successful unionization effort. But an affiliation with the powerful Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) transformed the union from a radical, community-based institution into a bureaucratic organization led by men. It also launched a difficult battle to secure economic and social justice for the mostly women and people of color in the plants. As Carson shows, this local struggle highlighted how race and gender shaped worker conditions, labor organizing, and union politics across the country in the twentieth century. Meticulous and engaging, A Matter of Moral Justice examines the role of African American and radical women activists and their collisions with labor organizing and union politics.

Seit der Zeit, da das Handwerk Klagen erhoben hat, daB as die Ausbildung der gelernten Facharbeiter fiir die Industrie allein zu besorgen habe, hat die Frage des Arbeiternachwuchses fiir die Industrie in immer weiteren Kreisen an Interesse gewonnen. Hierbei wurden zunii.chst nur die gelernten Arbeiter beriicksichtigt, erst spii.ter trat die Sorge ffir die ungelernten Arbeiter, die Meister und zuletzt fiir die angelernten Arbeiter hinzu. In der vorliegenden Arbeit sind die Verha.I.tnisse geschildert, wie sie sich in einem der wichtigsten Zweige der Industrie, der del' Maschinen, darstellen. FUr Vberlassung von Material bin ich zu Dank verpflichtet der Maschinenfabrik Thyssen & Co. A. G., Miilheim (Ruhr), der Maschinen fabrik Augsburg-Niirnberg-A. G., Niirnberg, der Ludwig Lowe-A. G., Berlin, der Robert Bosch-A. G., Stuttgart, sowie Herrn FortbiIdungs schuldirektor Feddeler-Miilheim (Ruhr).: Fiir Anregungen danke ich den Herren Direktor Dr.-Ing. E. Roser-Miilheim (Ruhr), Betriebs direktor Dipl.-Ing. H. Roser-Miilheim (Ruhr), Prof. Dr. Fuchs-Tiibingen, Prof. Dr. Stephinger-Tiibingen. Wiirzburg, September 1919. Seyfert. Inhaltsverzeichnis."

Dieser Buchtitel ist Teil des Digitalisierungsprojekts Springer Book Archives mit Publikationen, die seit den Anfangen des Verlags von 1842 erschienen sind. Der Verlag stellt mit diesem Archiv Quellen fur die historische wie auch die disziplingeschichtliche Forschung zur Verfugung, die jeweils im historischen Kontext betrachtet werden mussen. Dieser Titel erschien in der Zeit vor 1945 und wird daher in seiner zeittypischen politisch-ideologischen Ausrichtung vom Verlag nicht beworben.

Dieser Buchtitel ist Teil des Digitalisierungsprojekts Springer Book Archives mit Publikationen, die seit den Anfangen des Verlags von 1842 erschienen sind. Der Verlag stellt mit diesem Archiv Quellen fur die historische wie auch die disziplingeschichtliche Forschung zur Verfugung, die jeweils im historischen Kontext betrachtet werden mussen. Dieser Titel erschien in der Zeit vor 1945 und wird daher in seiner zeittypischen politisch-ideologischen Ausrichtung vom Verlag nicht beworben.

Indonesians and Their Arab World explores the ways contemporary Indonesians understand their relationship to the Arab world. Despite being home to the largest Muslim population in the world, Indonesia exists on the periphery of an Islamic world centered around the Arabian Peninsula. Mirjam Lucking approaches the problem of interpreting the current conservative turn in Indonesian Islam by considering the ways personal relationships, public discourse, and matters of religious self-understanding guide two groups of Indonesians who actually travel to the Arabian Peninsula-labor migrants and Mecca pilgrims-in becoming physically mobile and making their mobility meaningful. This concept, which Lucking calls "guided mobility," reveals that changes in Indonesian Islamic traditions are grounded in domestic social constellations and calls claims of outward Arab influence in Indonesia into question. With three levels of comparison (urban and rural areas, Madura and Central Java, and migrants and pilgrims), this ethnographic case study foregrounds how different regional and socioeconomic contexts determine Indonesians' various engagements with the Arab world.

From the early twentieth century until the 1960s, Maine led the nation in paper production. The state could have earned a reputation as the Detroit of paper production, however, the industry eventually slid toward failure. What happened? Shredding Paper unwraps the changing US political economy since 1960, uncovers how the paper industry defined and interacted with labor relations, and peels away the layers of history that encompassed the rise and fall of Maine's mighty paper industry. Michael G. Hillard deconstructs the paper industry's unusual technological and economic histories. For a century, the story of the nation's most widely read glossy magazines and card stock was one of capitalism, work, accommodation, and struggle. Local paper companies in Maine dominated the political landscape, controlling economic, workplace, land use, and water use policies. Hillard examines the many contributing factors surrounding how Maine became a paper powerhouse and then shows how it lost that position to changing times and foreign interests. Through a retelling of labor relations and worker experiences from the late nineteenth century up until the late 1990s, Hillard highlights how national conglomerates began absorbing family-owned companies over time, which were subject to Wall Street demands for greater short-term profits after 1980. This new political economy impacted the economy of the entire state and destroyed Maine's once-vaunted paper industry. Shredding Paper truthfully and transparently tells the great and grim story of blue-collar workers and their families and analyzes how paper workers formulated a "folk" version of capitalism's history in their industry. Ultimately, Hillard offers a telling example of the demise of big industry in the United States.

From mining to sex work and from the classroom to the docks, violence has always been a part of work. This collection of essays highlights the many different forms and expressions of violence that have arisen under capitalism in the last two hundred years, as well as how historians of working-class life and labour have understood violence. The editors draw together diverse case studies, integrating analysis of class, age, gender, sexuality, and race into the scholarship. Essays span the United States and Canadian border, exploring gender violence, sexual harassment, the violent kidnapping of union organizers, the violence of inadequate health and safety protections, the culture of violence in state institutions, the mythology of working-class violence, and the changing nature of violence in extractive industries. The Violence of Work theorizes and historicizes violence as an integral part of working life, making it possible to understand the full scope and causes of workplace violence over time.

Mixing personal history, interviewee voices, and academic theory from the fields of care work, the sociology of work, medical sociology, and nursing, Taking Care of Our Own introduces us to the hidden world of family caregivers. Using a multidimensional approach, Sherry N. Mong seeks to understand and analyze the types of skilled work that family caregivers do, the processes through which they learn and negotiate new skills, and the meanings that both caregivers and nurses attach to their care work. Taking Care of Our Own is based on sixty-two in-depth interviews with family caregivers, home and community health care nurses, and other expert observers to provide a lens through which in-home care processes are analyzed, while also exploring how caregivers learn necessary procedures. Further, Mong examines the emotional labor of caregiving, as well as the identities of caregivers and nurses who are key players in the labor process, and gives attention to the ways in which the labor is transferred from medical professionals to family caregivers.

Why do some European welfare states protect unemployed and inadequately employed workers ("outsiders") from economic uncertainty better than others? Philip Rathgeb's study of labor market policy change in three somewhat-similar small states-Austria, Denmark, and Sweden-explores this fundamental question. He does so by examining the distribution of power between trade unions and political parties, attempting to bridge these two lines of research-trade unions and party politics-that, with few exceptions, have advanced without a mutual exchange. Inclusive trade unions have high political stakes in the protection of outsiders, because they incorporate workers at risk of unemployment into their representational outlook. Yet, the impact of union preferences has declined over time, with a shift in the balance of class power from labor to capital across the Western world. National governments have accordingly prioritized flexibility for employers over the social protection of outsiders. As a result, organized labor can only protect outsiders when governments are reliant on union consent for successful consensus mobilization. When governments have a united majority of seats, on the other hand, they are strong enough to exclude unions. Strong Governments, Precarious Workers calls into question the electoral responsiveness of national governments-and thus political parties-to the social needs of an increasingly numerous group of precarious workers. In the end, Rathgeb concludes that the weaker the government, the stronger the capacity of organized labor to enhance the social protection of precarious workers.

In response to mounting debt crises and macroeconomic instability in the 1980s, many countries in the developing world adopted neoliberal policies promoting the unfettered play of market forces and deregulation of the economy and attempted large-scale structural adjustment, including the privatization of public-sector industries. How much influence did various societal groups have on this transition to a market economy, and what explains the variances in interest-group influence across countries?

In this book, Agnieszka Paczyńska explores these questions by studying the role of organized labor in the transition process in four countries in different regions--the Czech Republic and Poland in eastern Europe, Egypt in the Middle East, and Mexico in Latin America. In Egypt and Poland, she shows, labor had substantial influence on the process, whereas in the Czech Republic and Mexico it did not. Her explanation highlights the complex relationship between institutional structures and the "critical junctures" provided by economic crises, revealing that the ability of groups like organized labor to wield influence on reform efforts depends to a great extent on not only their current resources (such as financial autonomy and legal prerogatives) but also the historical legacies of their past ties to the state.

This new edition features an epilogue that analyzes the role of organized labor uprisings in 2011, the protests in Egypt, the overthrow of Mubarak, and the post-Mubarak regime.

The author shares lessons that took him over twenty-five years to learn. As a safety professional he worked from the ground up, working from government to the private sector. He hopes to shorten the learning curve for people who are directly responsible for workplace safety He talks about the future of safety and how it will continue to impact profitability. He helps leaders develop the right philosophy that builds profitable teams that are willing to support a highly regarded safety vision. There are basic safety programs the author sees as inadequate because they are poorly managed having little if any positive impact, but, with the mix of philosophy and leadership skill, these weaknesses can be shored up to reduce the pain and cost of workplace injuries. There are also time-tested strategies that will short-cut the learning process to help anyone achieve greater organizational success Randy Powell uses 'Safety' and his 20 years of experience as the foundation for helping organizations become 'Best-In Class' within their industries. He's a high-energy, motivational speaker, trainer and consultant who speaks to organizations of all sizes on safety, leadership and successful attitudes.

In this collection of firsthand accounts by those who knew Cesar Chavez best, a portrait of an uncommonly complex man, both driven and focused, yet humble, empathic and exceedingly principled, emerges. The reader gains an understanding of the yoke Chavez chose to place upon his own shoulders, as well as the ideals he employed to accomplish for the migrant farmworkers what many predicted would be impossible. The more than 45 contributors range from the famous--Edward James Olmos, Henry Cisneros, Martin Sheen, Coretta Scott King, Jerry Brown and others--to members of the Chavez family, to UFW staff, to the farmworkers themselves. Illustrated by the compelling black and white photographs of George Elfie Ballis, who began photographing the farmworker movement in the 1950s.

Remarkable An energizing, engaging book that can lead to the end of homelessness for over 1,000,000 minimum wage workers. This book takes off where all the other minimum wage, living wage books end.
Michael Stoops, National Civil Rights Organizer for the National Coalition for the Homeless
..". the only book on the subject that combines in such depth both personal stories of low wage workers and their families, on the one hand, and analytic arguments about the costs and benefits of living wages, on the other. The idea of indexing wages to housing costs just may be the right way to think about this."
Robert Pollin, author of The Living Wage: Building a Fair Economy
Troxell's accounts of the homeless point to a profound break down in our culture - a society that grows more rootless and disconnected with each passing year. After reading this book your next experience at a highway intersection will be radically changed. The bedraggled figure holding a cardboard sign will not be a complete stranger. You won't be looking at a bum; you'll be seeing another human being and into the brokenness of our culture.
Tom Spencer, CEO Austin Area Interreligious Ministries
Compassion means to suffer (pati) with (com) another. To suffer with Unfortunately in today's world the idea of compassion is confused with the liberal notion of charity as opposed to a genuine call to justice. Richard Troxell has shared and taken on the pain of others and battled like a great warrior the institutional mindset that prevents humans from simply doing what is right.
Alan Graham, President Mobile Loaves & Fishes
Finally, someone with some common sense Troxell lays out a plan that will end homelessness for over 1,000,000 minimum wage workers- without costing tax payers a dime. Plus, this is a great read - a compelling activist's tell.
Jim Hightower, radio commentator and editor of The Hightower Lowdown
... the inspiration and key to Bringing America Home for millions of people through the Universal Living Wage - by indexing employment income to housing costs.
Sue Watlov Phillips, M.A., C.S.P., executive director of Elim Transitional Housing, founder Minnesota and National Coalition for the Homeless
Troxell's outstanding advocacy and efforts on behalf of the homeless are legend and truly appreciated by those he helps and those who admire his selfless work.
Texas State Senator Kirk Watson, District 14

The Marikana Massacre of August 16, 2012, was the single most lethal use of force by South African security forces against civilians since the end of apartheid. Those killed were mineworkers in support of a pay raise. Through a series of interviews conducted with workers who survived the attack, this account documents and examines the controversial shootings in great detail, beginning with a valuable history of the events leading up to the killing of workers, and including eyewitness accounts of the violence and interviews with family members of those who perished.
While the official Farlam Commission investigation of the massacre is still ongoing, many South Africans do not hold much confidence in the government's ability to examine its own complicity in these events. "Marikana," on the other hand, examines the various roles played by the African National Congress, the mine company, and the National Union of Mineworkers in creating the conditions that led to the massacre. While the commission's investigations take place in a courtroom setting tilted toward those in power, "Marikana" documents testimony from the mineworkers in the days before official statements were even gathered, offering an unusually immediate and unfiltered look at the reality from the perspective of those most directly affected. Enhanced by vivid maps that make clear the setting and situation of the events, "Marikana" is an invaluable work of history, journalism, sociology, and activism.