From spectacular deaths in a drag musical to competing futures in a call center, Filipino Time examines how contracted service labor performed by Filipinos in the Philippines, Europe, the Middle East, and the United States generates vital affects, multiple networks, and other lifeworlds as much as it disrupts and dislocates human relations. Affective labor and time are re-articulated in a capacious archive of storytelling about the Filipino labor diaspora in fiction, musical performance, ethnography, and documentary film. Exploring these cultural practices, Filipino Time traces other ways of sensing, making sense of, and feeling time with others, by weaving narratives of place and belonging out of the hostile but habitable textures of labortime. Migrant subjects harness time and the imagination in their creative, life making capacities to make communal worlds out of one steeped in the temporalities and logics of capital.

In the absence of federal legislation, each state in the United States has its own policies regarding family leave, job protection for women and childcare. No wonder working mothers encounter such a significant disparity when it comes to childcare resources in America! Whereas conservative states like Nebraska offer affordable, readily available, and high quality childcare, progressive states that advocate for women's economic and political power, like California, have expensive childcare, shorter school days, and mothers who are more likely to work part-time or drop out of the labor market altogether to be available for their children. In Motherlands, Leah Ruppanner cogently argues that states should look to each other to fill their policy voids. She provides suggestions and solutions for policy makers interested in supporting working families. Whether a woman lives in a state with stronger childcare or gender empowerment regimes, at stake is mothers' financial dependence on their partners. Ruppanner advocates for reducing the institutional barriers mothers face when re-entering the workforce. As a result, women would have greater autonomy in making employment decisions following childbirth.

Francois Ewald's landmark The Birth of Solidarity-first published in French in 1986, revised in 1996, with the revised edition appearing here in English for the first time-is one of the most important historical and philosophical studies of the rise of the welfare state. Theorizing the origins of social insurance, Ewald shows how the growing problem of industrial accidents in France throughout the nineteenth century tested the limits of classical liberalism and its notions of individual responsibility. As workers and capitalists confronted each other over the problem of workplace accidents, they transformed the older practice of commercial insurance into an instrument of state intervention, thereby creating an entirely new conception of law, the state, and social solidarity. What emerged was a new system of social insurance guaranteed by the state. The Birth of Solidarity is a classic work of social and political theory that will appeal to all those interested in labor power, the making and dismantling of the welfare state, and Foucauldian notions of governmentality, security, risk, and the limits of liberalism.

The history of unemployment and concepts surrounding it remain a mystery to many Americans. Frank Stricker believes we need to understand this essential thread in our shared past. American Unemployment is an introduction for everyone that takes aim at misinformation, willful deceptions, and popular myths to set the record straight: Workers do not normally choose to be unemployed. In our current system, persistent unemployment is not an aberration. It is much more common than full employment, and the outcome of elite policy choices. Labor surpluses propped up by flawed unemployment numbers have helped to keep real wages stagnant for more than forty years. Prior to the New Deal and the era of big government, laissez-faire policies repeatedly led to depressions with heavy, even catastrophic, job losses. Undercounting the unemployed sabotages the creation of government job programs that can lead to more high-paying jobs and full employment. Written for non-economists, American Unemployment is a history and primer on vital economic topics that also provides a roadmap to better jobs and economic security.

Transforming Management in Central and Eastern Europe provides an overview of the changing business environment in seven Central and Eastern European countries, linking macro and micro developments, exploring the differing institutional and regional contexts, and the changing role of western companies and their management practices. The book will be an important resource for students on the growing number of MBA and graduate programmes now covering developments in Central and Eastern Europe.

Here is the dramatic and moving story of one child's transformation from a normal, middle-class kid from the suburbs to an activist, fighting against child labor on the world stage of international human rights.

Making headlines around the globe, Graig Keilburger and his organization, Free the Children, which he founded at the age of twelve, have brought unprecedented attention to the worldwide abuse of children's rights. Free the Childrenis a passionate and astounding story and a moving testament to the power that children and young adults have to change the world, as witnessed through the achievements of one remarkable young man.

Briefe eines Einzelnen, aber vor allem "Briefwechsel zweier oder mehrerer durch Thatigkeit in einem gemeinsamen Kreise sich fortbildender Personen" wie Goethe formulierte sind eine "unschatzbare" historische Quelle. Dies gilt auch fur die uber Jahre und Jahrzehnte sich hinziehenden Briefwechsel zwischen Liberalen, Demokraten, Sozialisten und Kommunisten, die nach der Revolution von 1848 Deutschland verlassen mussten und uber die wir auch 150 Jahre spater viel zu wenig wissen. In der Geschichtsschreibung wurde den beiden Jahrzehnten zwischen 1850 und 1870 lange Zeit kaum Bedeutung beigemessen. Das vollige Scheitern der Revolution von 1848 einerseits und der Aufstieg Bismarcks und die Reichsgruendung andererseits schienen fruher eine solche Verkurzung und Mediatisierung zu rechtfertigen. In den letzten Jahren haben diese beiden Jahrzehnte jedoch eine neue Bewertung erfahren. Sie werden heute als eine der "bewegtesten und folgenreichsten Abschnitte" des 19. Jahrhunderts (Reinhard Rurup), gepragt durch Umbruche und Neuanfange, angesehen. Kaum erforscht ist jedoch, welche Rolle die demokratischen und radikalen Emigranten, die 1849 Deutschland verlassen mussten und anschliessend Jahrzehnte in London, Paris, Brussel, in der Schweiz oder in den USA lebten, in diesen politischen Formationsprozessen zwischen Revolution und Reichsgrundung spielten. Welchen Anteil hatten sie an der Neuformierung der politischen Stromungen und Ideen, des Liberalismus, der National- und der Arbeiterbewegungen? Welche Blicke hatten sie auf die deutsche und europaische Politik? Inwieweit wollten und konnten sie Einfluss nehmen? Das 19. Jahrhundert erlebte eine Blutezeit der Briefliteratur, wozu nicht zuletzt die durch Dampfschiff und Eisenbahn verbesserte Infrastruktur beitrug. Die ausgepragte Briefkultur des Burgertums ist bekannt und bereits erforscht, aber auch fur die fruhen Arbeiterbewegungen stellte der Brief die zentrale Kommunikationsform dar. Aufgrund ihres dialogischen Charakters erlauben Briefe bei aller gebotenen Quellenkritik Einblick in Stimmungen, Meinungen und Beweggruende. Sie enthalten oft unmittelbare Niederschriften von Absichten, Auffassungen und Erlebnissen. Auch fur die Erforschung der lange vernachlassigten Geschichte der deutschen Emigration eignen sich die uberlieferten und nur zum geringen Teil veroffentlichten Briefwechsel in besonderer Weise. Die Emigranten waren auf personliche Kommunikation angewiesen, da sie durch Flucht, Verfolgung und Zensur von anderen Ausserungs- und Einflussmoglichkeiten abgeschnitten waren. Zudem begannen sich Liberalismus und Arbeiterbewegung erst seit Ende der 1850er Jahre langsam wieder zu formieren und eine Gegenoffentlichkeit zu schaffen."

For the past few decades, the U.S. anti-sweatshop movement was bolstered by actions from American college students. United Students Against Sweatshops (USAS) effectively advanced the cause of workers' rights in sweatshops around the world. Strategizing against Sweatshops chronicles the evolution of student activism and presents an innovative model of how college campuses are a critical site for the advancement of global social justice. Matthew Williams shows how USAS targeted apparel companies outsourcing production to sweatshop factories with weak or non-existent unions. USAS did so by developing a campaign that would support workers organizing by leveraging their college's partnerships with global apparel firms like Nike and Adidas to abide by pro-labor codes of conduct. Strategizing against Sweatshops exemplifies how organizations and actors cooperate across a movement to formulate a coherent strategy responsive to the conditions in their social environment. Williams also provides a model of political opportunity structure to show how social context shapes the chances of a movement's success-and how movements can change that political opportunity structure in turn. Ultimately, he shows why progressive student activism remains important.

Volume 18 of Research in Occupational Stress and Well-Being is focused on the stress and well-being related to Entrepreneurship and Small Businesses. This volume focuses on entrepreneurial and small business owners; stress, health, and well-being as it relates to personal, work, and success outcomes. The literature linking stress with entrepreneurship and small business has been somewhat scattered to date in that stress has been treated as an antecedent of decisions to create new ventures, a frequent outcome experienced by entrepreneurs and small business owners (or self-employed businesses), and a moderator of the entrepreneurial process. We attempt to resolve some of the inconsistences theoretically and to better frame future research in this important area of study. We have seven chapters that cover topics from theory-building to context in small businesses to utilizing resources. We have divided our seven chapters into three sections. In the first section, we include three chapters that examine new theories, frameworks and future research agendas in entrepreneurship. In the second section, we have two chapters that examine contexts, specifically, heterogeneity and non-family membership in small businesses. In the final section, we have chapters that examine the important role of resources in entrepreneurship. We believe this volume offers critical analyses of research on stress and entrepreneurship as well new frameworks for future research.

In 1889, Samuel Winkworth Silver's rubber and electrical factory was the site of a massive worker revolt that upended the London industrial district which bore his name: Silvertown. Once referred to as the "Abyss" by Jack London, Silvertown was notorious for oppressive working conditions and the relentless grind of production suffered by its largely unorganized, unskilled workers. These workers, fed-up with their lot and long ignored by traditional craft unions, aligned themselves with the socialist-led "New Unionism" movement. Their ensuing strike paralyzed Silvertown for three months. The strike leaders-- including Tom Mann, Ben Tillett, Eleanor Marx, and Will Thorne--and many workers viewed the trade union struggle as part of a bigger fight for a "co-operative commonwealth." With this goal in mind, they shut down Silvertown and, in the process, helped to launch a more radical, modern labor movement. Historian and novelist John Tully, author of the monumental social history of the rubber industry The Devil's Milk, tells the story of the Silvertown strike in vivid prose. He rescues the uprising-- overshadowed by other strikes during this period--from relative obscurity and argues for its significance to both the labor and socialist movements. And, perhaps most importantly, Tully presents the Silvertown Strike as a source of inspiration for today's workers, in London and around the world, who continue to struggle for better workplaces and the vision of a "co-operative commonwealth."

The Legal Aspects of Industrial Hygiene and Safety explores various legal issues that are often encountered by Industrial Hygiene and Safety managers during their careers. A description is presented of the various legal concepts and processes that often arise in the IH/S practice, including tort, contract, and administrative law. The goal is to provide IH/S managers with sufficient knowledge to be able to incorporate legal risk analysis into everyday decision-making and policy development. This book will explore the legal issues that arise in IH/S practice and will be helpful to new IH/S managers as they progress in their careers. FEATURES Explores various legal issues that are often encountered by Industrial Hygiene and Safety managers during their careers Provides insight into the legal issues and processes to IH/S managers that are traditionally only available to attorneys Improves the IH/S managers' ability to communicate complex IH/S issues to in-house counsel Presents tools and knowledge to IH/S managers so they can better consider the legal risks of the decisions they make Covers various legal concepts and processes that can arise in the IH/S practice, including tort, contract, and administrative law

This is the first book to discuss workplace harm through an ultra-realist lens and examines the connection between individuals, their working conditions and management culture. It investigates the reorganisation of labour markets and the shift from security to flexibility, a central function of consumer capitalism and highlights working conditions and organisational practices which employees experience as normal and routine but within which multiple harms occur. Reconnecting ideology and political economy with workplace studies, it uses examples of legal and illegal activity to demonstrate the multiple harms within the service economy.

Praise for The Handbook of Dispute Resolution

"This is the best guide I know on dispute resolution. Everyone interested in the field should have a copy on hand."
--Roger Fisher, coauthor, Getting to YES: Negotiating Agreement Without Giving In; director, Harvard Negotiation Project; and Williston Professor of Law Emeritus, Harvard Law School

"This wide-ranging, stimulating, and eminently practical collection both reflects and advances the best thinking on alternative dispute resolution. Essays by ADR pioneers and a new generation of scholars provide a comprehensive introduction for students and practitioners new to the field, yet also offer veteran teachers and mediators concise applications of groundbreaking research. In this fractious and divisive age, The Handbook of Dispute Resolution is an especially welcome and hopeful contribution to society overall."
--Michael Wheeler, Class of 1952 Professor of Management Practice, Harvard Business School

"From the historic foundations of dispute resolution, to personality and the behavior of disputants, to the effects of globalization on the successful resolution of transborder disputes, this remarkable and thought-provoking compilation of scholarly work and practical observations is a must-read for students and practitioners of conflict resolution. This handbook adds immeasurably to our understanding of the ways in which people fight and the circumstances by which peaceful resolution can be achieved. In today's world, no set of insights is more valuable."
--Ambassador Charlene Barshefsky, senior international partner, Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale & Dorr, LLP; former U.S. trade representative and presidential cabinetmember

"The advice in this book captures in an accessible way much of the wisdom that I've acquired from years of negotiating in the entertainment industry. Here are the gems that really work to move others to want to say 'yes.'"
--Marshall M. Silverman, vice president and senior motion picture production counsel, Warner Brothers Pictures, Inc.

"Mediators, lawyers, diplomats--indeed anyone concerned with dispute resolution--will discover in this handbook a helpful distillation of what scholars and experienced practitioners know about conflicts."
--Robert H. Mnookin, Williston Professor of Law, Harvard Law School; chair, executive committee, Program on Negotiation at Harvard Law School; director, Harvard Negotiation Research Project, Harvard Law School

www.josseybass.com

The 1939 Supreme Court decision Hague v. CIO was a constitutional milestone that strengthened the right of Americans, including labor organizers, to assemble and speak in public places. Donald W. Rogers eschews the prevailing view of the case as a morality play pitting Jersey City, New Jersey, political boss Frank Hague against the Committee for Industrial Organization (CIO) and allied civil libertarian groups. Instead, he draws on a wide range of archives and evidence to re-evaluate Hague v. CIO from the ground up. Rogers's review of the case from district court to the Supreme Court illuminates the trial proceedings and provides perspectives from both sides. As he shows, the economic, political, and legal restructuring of the 1930s refined constitutional rights as much as the court case did. The final decision also revealed that assembly and speech rights change according to how judges and lawmakers act within the circumstances of a given moment. Clear-eyed and comprehensive, Workers against the City revises the view of a milestone case that continues to impact Americans' constitutional rights today.

From white-collar executives to mail carriers, public workers meet the needs of the entire nation. Frederick W. Gooding Jr. and Eric S. Yellin edit a collection of new research on this understudied workforce. Part One begins in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth century to explore how questions of race, class, and gender shaped public workers, their workplaces, and their place in American democracy. In Part Two, essayists examine race and gender discrimination while revealing the subtle contemporary forms of marginalization that keep Black men and Black and white women underpaid and overlooked for promotion. The historic labor actions detailed in Part Three illuminate how city employees organized not only for better pay and working conditions but to seek recognition from city officials, the public, and the national labor movement. Part Four focuses on nurses and teachers to address the thorny question of whether certain groups deserve premium pay for their irreplaceable work and sacrifices or if serving the greater good is a reward unto itself. Contributors: Eileen Boris, Cathleen D. Cahill, Frederick W. Gooding Jr., William P. Jones, Francis Ryan, Jon Shelton, Joseph E. Slater, Katherine Turk, Eric S. Yellin, and Amy Zanoni

Sensational tales of true-life crime, the devastation of the Irish potato famine, the upheaval of the Civil War, and the turbulent emergence of the American labor movement are connected in a captivating exploration of the roots of the Molly Maguires. A secret society of peasant assassins in Ireland that re-emerged in Pennsylvania's hard-coal region, the Mollies organized strikes, murdered mine bosses, and fought the Civil War draft. Their shadowy twelve-year duel with all powerful coal companies marked the beginning of class warfare in America. But little has been written about the origins of this struggle and the folk culture that informed everything about the Mollies.
A rare book about the birth of the secret society, The Sons of Molly Maguire delves into the lost world of peasant Ireland to uncover the astonishing links between the folk justice of the Mollies and the folk drama of the Mummers, who performed a holiday play that always ended in a mock killing. The link not only explains much about Ireland's Molly Maguires where the name came from, why the killers wore women's clothing, why they struck around holidays but also sheds new light on the Mollies' re-emergence in Pennsylvania.
The book follows the Irish to the anthracite region, which was transformed into another Ulster by ethnic, religious, political, and economic conflicts. It charts the rise there of an Irish secret society and a particularly political form of Mummery just before the Civil War, shows why Molly violence was resurrected amid wartime strikes and conscription, and explores how the cradle of the American Mollies became a bastion of later labor activism. Combining sweeping history with an intensely local focus, The Sons of Molly Maguire is the captivating story of when, where, how, and why the first of America's labor wars began.

Care activism challenges the stereotype of downtrodden migrant caregivers by showing that care workers have distinct ways of caring for themselves, for each other, and for the larger transnational community of care workers and their families. Ethel Tungohan illuminates how the goals and desires of migrant care worker activists goes beyond political considerations like policy changes and overturning power structures. Through practices of subversive friendships and being there for each other, care activism acts as an extension of the daily work that caregivers do, oftentimes also instilling practices of resistance and critical hope among care workers. At the same time, the communities created by care activism help migrant caregivers survive and even thrive in the face of arduous working and living conditions and the pains surrounding family separation. As Tungohan shows, care activism also unifies caregivers to resist society’s legal and economic devaluations of care and domestic work by reaffirming a belief that they, and what they do, are important and necessary.

A call to action in an ongoing battle against industrial agriculture From the early twentieth century and across generations to the present, In the Struggle brings together the stories of eight politically engaged scholars, documenting their opposition to industrial-scale agribusiness in California. As the narrative unfolds, their previously censored and suppressed research, together with personal accounts of intimidation and subterfuge, is introduced into the public arena for the first time. In the Struggle lays out historic, subterranean confrontations over water rights, labor organizing, and the corruption of democratic principles and public institutions. As California's rural economy increasingly consolidates into the hands of land barons and corporations, the scholars' work shifts from analyzing problems and formulating research methods to organizing resistance and building community power. Throughout their engagement, they face intense political blowback as powerful economic interests work to pollute and undermine scientific inquiry and the civic purposes of public universities. The findings and the pressure put upon the work of these scholars-Paul Taylor, Ernesto Galarza, and Isao Fujimoto among them-are a damning indictment of the greed and corruption that flourish under industrial-scale agriculture. After almost a century of empirical evidence and published research, a definitive finding becomes clear: land consolidation and economic monopoly are fundamentally detrimental to democracy and the well-being of rural societies.

Rooted in the crisis over slavery, disagreements about child labor broke down along sectional lines between the North and South. For decades after emancipation, the child labor issue shaped how Northerners and Southerners defined fundamental concepts of American life such as work, freedom, the market, and the state.Betsy Wood examines the evolution of ideas about child labor and the on-the-ground politics of the issue against the backdrop of broad developments related to slavery and emancipation, industrial capitalism, moral and social reform, and American politics and religion. Wood explains how the decades-long battle over child labor created enduring political and ideological divisions within capitalist society that divided the gatekeepers of modernity from the cultural warriors who opposed them. Tracing the ideological origins and the politics of the child labor battle over the course of eighty years, this book tells the story of how child labor debates bequeathed an enduring legacy of sectionalist conflict to modern American capitalist society.

As the United States transformed into an industrial superpower, American socialists faced the vexing question of how to approach race. Lorenzo Costaguta balances intellectual and institutional history to illuminate the clash between two major points of view. On one side, white supremacists believed labor should accept and apply the ascendant tenets of scientific theories of race. But others stood with International Workingmen’s Association leaders J. P. McDonnell and F. A. Sorge in rejecting the idea that racial and ethnic division influenced worker-employer relations, arguing instead that class played the preeminent role. Costaguta charts the socialist movement’s journey through the conflict and down a path that ultimately abandoned scientific racism in favor of an internationalist class-focused and racial-conscious American socialism. As he shows, the shift relied on a strong immigrant influence personified by the cosmopolitan Marxist thinker and future IWW cofounder Daniel De Leon. The class-focused movement that emerged became American socialism’s most common approach to race in the twentieth century and beyond.

From a prize-winning historian, a new portrait of an extraordinary activist and the turbulent age in which she lived Goddess of Anarchy recounts the formidable life of the militant writer, orator, and agitator Lucy Parsons. Born to an enslaved woman in Virginia in 1851 and raised in Texas-where she met her husband, the Haymarket "martyr" Albert Parsons-Lucy was a fearless advocate of First Amendment rights, a champion of the working classes, and one of the most prominent figures of African descent of her era. And yet, her life was riddled with contradictions-she advocated violence without apology, concocted a Hispanic-Indian identity for herself, and ignored the plight of African Americans. Drawing on a wealth of new sources, Jacqueline Jones presents not only the exceptional life of the famous American-born anarchist but also an authoritative account of her times-from slavery through the Great Depression.

Often cast as villains in the Northwest's environmental battles, timber workers in fact have a connection to the forest that goes far beyond jobs and economic issues. Steven C. Beda explores the complex true story of how and why timber-working communities have concerned themselves with the health and future of the woods surrounding them. Life experiences like hunting, fishing, foraging, and hiking imbued timber country with meanings and values that nurtured a deep sense of place in workers, their families, and their communities. This sense of place in turn shaped ideas about protection that sometimes clashed with the views of environmentalists--or the desires of employers. Beda's sympathetic, in-depth look at the human beings whose lives are embedded in the woods helps us understand that timber communities fought not just to protect their livelihood, but because they saw the forest as a vital part of themselves.

In the mid-twentieth century, corporations consolidated control over agriculture on the backs of Mexican migrant laborers through a guestworker system called the Bracero Program. The National Agricultural Workers Union (NAWU) attempted to organize these workers but met with utter indifference from the AFL-CIO. Andrew J. Hazelton examines the NAWU's opposition to the Bracero Program against the backdrop of Mexican migration and the transformation of North American agriculture. His analysis details growers' abuse of the program to undercut organizing efforts, the NAWU's subsequent mobilization of reformers concerned by those abuses, and grower opposition to any restrictions on worker control. Though the union's organizing efforts failed, it nonetheless created effective strategies for pressuring growers and defending workers' rights. These strategies contributed to the abandonment of the Bracero Program in 1964 and set the stage for victories by the United Farm Workers and other movements in the years to come.