This book explores intellectual discourse in reform era China by analysing the so-called "debate on the spirit of the Humanities", which occurred in the years 1993-95, and which is recognised by scholars as one of the most interesting, influential and important debates of the 1990s. This debate, in which Chinese intellectuals reflected on reform-era mass culture and on their role in society, was the first debate in China after the crackdown of 1989 and the launch of new economic reforms after Deng Xiaoping's 1992 "southern tour". The book, drawing on a large corpus of texts and a wide range of individual positions, demonstrates how Chinese intellectuals, having to face the combination of political repression and economic liberalisation, conceptualised and reacted to both. The book reveals the scale and complexity of the debate, the nature of intellectual life in China, the status and relevance of intellectual voices in society, the divisions within the intellectual sphere as well as shared concepts and ideals, and how the key factors of political repression and economic liberalisation which remain central in China today were defined and articulated.

In the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries a small but conspicuous fringe of the Jewish population became the world's most resolute, intellectually driven, and philosophical revolutionaries, among them the pre-Marxist Karl Marx. Yet the roots of their alienation from existing society and determination to change it extend back to the very heart of the Enlightenment, when Spinoza and other philosophers living in a rigid, hierarchical society colored by a deeply hostile theology first developed a modern revolutionary consciousness. Leading intellectual historian Jonathan Israel shows how the radical ideas in the early Marx's writings were influenced by this legacy, which, he argues, must be understood as part of the Radical Enlightenment. He traces the rise of a Jewish revolutionary tendency demanding social equality and universal human rights throughout the Western world. Israel considers how these writers understood Jewish marginalization and ghettoization and the edifice of superstition, prejudice, and ignorance that sustained them. He investigates how the quest for Jewish emancipation led these thinkers to formulate sweeping theories of social and legal reform that paved the way for revolutionary actions that helped change the world from 1789 onward-but hardly as they intended.

How transatlantic thinkers in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries promoted the unification of Britain and the United States Between the late nineteenth century and the First World War an ocean-spanning network of prominent individuals advocated the unification of Britain and the United States. They dreamt of the final consolidation of the Angloworld. Scholars, journalists, politicians, businessmen, and science fiction writers invested the "Anglo-Saxons" with extraordinary power. The most ambitious hailed them as a people destined to bring peace and justice to the earth. More modest visions still imagined them as likely to shape the twentieth century. Dreamworlds of Race explores this remarkable moment in the intellectual history of racial domination, political utopianism, and world order. Focusing on a quartet of extraordinary figures-Andrew Carnegie, W. T. Stead, Cecil J. Rhodes, and H. G. Wells-Duncan Bell shows how unionists on both sides of the Atlantic reimagined citizenship, empire, patriotism, race, war, and peace in their quest to secure global supremacy. Yet even as they dreamt of an Anglo-dominated world, the unionists disagreed over the meaning of race, the legitimacy of imperialism, the nature of political belonging, and the ultimate form and purpose of unification. The racial dreamworld was an object of competing claims and fantasies. Exploring speculative fiction as well as more conventional forms of political writing, Bell reads unionist arguments as expressions of the utopianism circulating through fin-de-siecle Anglo-American culture, and juxtaposes them with pan-Africanist critiques of racial domination and late twentieth-century fictional narratives of Anglo-American empire. Tracing how intellectual elites promoted an ambitious project of political and racial unification between Britain and the United States, Dreamworlds of Race analyzes ideas of empire and world order that reverberate to this day.

The Labour governments of 1945-51 are among the most important and controversial in modern British history, and have been the focus of extensive research over the last fifteen years. In this study, Robert Pearce makes the results of this research available in a concise and accessible form, whilst encouraging students to formulate their own interpretations. He looks at the main political personalities of the period, sets their work in the context of Labour history since 1900, and examines their domestic, foreign and imperial achievements.

Through a collection of critical essays, this work explores twelve keywords central in Latin American and Caribbean Studies: indigenismo, Americanism, colonialism, criollismo, race, transculturation, modernity, nation, gender, sexuality, testimonio, and popular culture. The central question motivating this work is how to think-epistemologically and pedagogically-about Latin American and Caribbean Studies as fields that have had different historical and institutional trajectories across the Caribbean, Latin America, and the United States.

First Published in 2002. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

The idea of the earth as a vessel in space came of age in an era shaped by space travel and the Cold War. Hoehler's study brings together technology, science and ecology to explore the way this latter-day ark was invoked by politicians, environmentalists, cultural historians, writers of science fiction and many others across three decades.

The series MISCELLANEA MEDIAEVALIA was founded by Paul Wilpert in 1962 and since then has presented research from the Thomas Institute of the University of Cologne. The cornerstone of the series is provided by the proceedings of the biennial Cologne Medieval Studies Conferences, which were established over 50 years ago by Josef Koch, the founding director of the Institute. The interdisciplinary nature of these conferences is reflected in the proceedings. The MISCELLANEA MEDIAEVALIA gather together papers from all disciplines represented in Medieval Studies - medieval history, philosophy, theology, together with art and literature, all contribute to an overall perspective of the Middle Ages.

Review essays and statements written for special occasions may reveal as much about the writer as those written about; this is the presumption undergirding this collection of thirty-five years of criticism and commentary by Irving Louis Horowitz. For this volume, he selected his comments on famous, near famous, and infamous sociologists, political scientists, and assorted literary figures in between. Taken as a whole, this volume will surprise and delight readers who are acquainted with Horowitz's other works as well as those who are interested in the people he writes about. The book covers notable social scientists, from Arendt to Zetterberg, and such major figures in between as Becker, Bell, de Jouvenel, Mills, Parsons, Solzhenitsyn, and more than eighty others who have had an effect on the contemporary social and political landscape. Each is critically examined, sometimes positively, other times negatively. Horowitz was a major figure in his own right, and his writing here displays the kind of refreshing frankness experts will expect and the general reader will appreciate. The underlying assumption behind the volume, giving its disparate parts a unified characteristic, is that together these observations on others amount to a general perspective on social science held by the author. Whether his larger ambition is accepted or disputed, there is no doubt that the volume provides a standard against which to measure the literary quality of writing in the world of professional social research.

Mark Berry explores the political and religious ideas expounded in Wagner's Ring through close attention to the text and drama, the multifarious intellectual influences upon the composer during the work's lengthy gestation and composition, and the wealth of Wagner source material. Many of his writings are explicitly political in their concerns, for Wagner was emphatically not a revolutionary solely for the sake of art. Yet it would be misleading to see even the most 'political' tracts as somehow divorced from the aesthetic realm; Wagner's radical challenge to liberal-democratic politics makes no such distinction. This book considers Wagner's treatment of various worlds: nature, politics, economics, and metaphysics, in order to explain just how radical that challenge is. Classical interpretations have tended to opt either for an 'optimistic' view of the Ring, centred upon the influence of Young Hegelian thought - in particular the philosophy of Ludwig Feuerbach - and Wagner's concomitant revolutionary politics, or for the 'pessimistic' option, removing the disillusioned Wagner-in-Swiss-exile from the political sphere and stressing the undoubtedly important role of Arthur Schopenhauer. Such an 'either-or' approach seriously misrepresents not only Wagner's compositional method but also his intellectual method. It also sidelines inconvenient aspects of the dramas that fail to 'fit' whichever interpretation is selected. Wagner's tendency is not progressively to recant previous 'errors' in his oeuvre. Radical ideas are not completely replaced by a Schopenhauerian world-view, however loudly the composer might come to trumpet his apparent 'conversion'. Nor is Wagner's truly an Hegelian method, although Hegelian dialectic plays an important role. In fact, Wagner is in many ways not really a systematic thinker at all (which is not to portray him as self-consciously unsystematic in a Nietzschean, let alone 'post-modernist' fashion). His tendency, rather, is agglomerative,

There is a long tradition in western political thought suggesting that violence is necessary to defend freedom. But nonviolence and civil disobedience have played an equally long and critical role in establishing democratic institutions. Freedom Without Violence explores the long history of political practice and thought that connects freedom to violence in the West, from Athenian democracy and the Roman republic to the Age of Revolutions and the rise of totalitarianism. It is the first comprehensive examination of the idea that violence is necessary to obtain, defend, and exercise freedom. The book also brings to the fore the opposing theme of nonviolent freedom, which can be found both within the Western tradition and among critics of that tradition. Since the plebs first vacated Rome to refuse military service and win concessions from the patricians in 494 B.C., nonviolence and civil disobedience have played a critical role in republics and democracies. Abolitionists, feminists and anti-colonial activists all adopted and innovated the methods of nonviolence. With the advent of the Velvet Revolutions, the end of apartheid in South Africa and, most recently, the Arab Spring, nonviolence has garnered renewed interest in both scholarly publications and the popular imagination. In this book, Dustin Ells Howes traces the intellectual history of freedom as it relates to the concepts and practices of violence and nonviolence. Through a critique and reappraisal of the Western political tradition, Freedom Without Violence constructs a conception of nonviolent freedom. The book argues that cultivating and practicing this brand of freedom is the sine qua non of a vibrant democracy that resists authoritarianism, imperialism and oligarchy.

The debate over the poverty of Christ and his apostles under Pope John XXII (1316-1334) is one of the most famous intellectual controversies of the Middle Ages. The story of the uncompromising pope on collision course with a united Franciscan Order has often been told, most memorably by Umberto Eco in The Name of the Rose. In this book, Patrick Nold sets out to investigate the Franciscan Cardinal Bertrand de la Tour, a man apparently torn between the pope who was his patron and the Order to which he had devoted his life. Until now Bertrand has been considered of little importance, owing to his neglect by the primary sources conventionally relied upon by hisorians. Dr Nold suggests that these sources are unreliable: they were written years after the fact by disaffected Franciscans such as William of Ockham. From unpublished manuscript sources, Nold reconstructs the beginnings of the controversy and reveals the crucial role played by the Franciscan Cardinal. His discovery of Bertrand's significance undermines the common scholarly understanding of this episode and of the character of John XXII himself. He provides a major reinterpretation of the apostolic poverty controversy and has far-reaching consequences for issues such as papal infallibility, natural rights theory, and Ockham's political writings.

This book tells the story of how madness came to play a prominent part in America's political and cultural debates. It argues that metaphors of madness rise to unprecedented popularity amidst the domestic struggles of the early Cold War and become a pre-eminent way of understanding the relationship between politics and culture in the United States. In linking the individual psyche to society, psychopathology contributes to issues central to post-World War II society: a dramatic extension of state power, the fate of the individual in bureaucratic society, the political function of emotions, and the limits to admissible dissent. Such vocabulary may accuse opponents of being crazy. Yet at stake is a fundamental error of judgment, for which madness provides welcome metaphors across US diplomacy and psychiatry, social movements and criticism, literature and film. In the process, major parties and whole historical eras, literary movements and social groups are declared insane. Reacting against violence at home and war abroad, countercultural authors oppose a sane madness to irrational reason-romanticizing the wisdom of the schizophrenic and paranoia's superior insight. As the Sixties give way to a plurality of lifestyles an alternative vision arrives: of a madness now become so widespread and ordinary that it may, finally, escape pathology.

The most persistent theme of Nathan Rosenberg's work is a concern with the emergence and diffusion of economic ideas. Bringing together Professor Rosenberg's many contributions to the history of economic thought, this volume offers a series of important insights on how economics itself emerged as a distinct discipline.The Emergence of Economic Ideas extends our understanding of the development of capitalist institutions and the manner in which these institutions have contributed to the unique technological dynamism of capitalist societies. The book also - and necessarily - focuses upon the emergence of ideas about capitalism. That is to say, the discipline of economics is itself a body of ideas, and analytical techniques, that have been developed over the past two centuries in order to explain how capitalist economies have developed and how they work. Professor Rosenberg examines the key contributions - from Mandeville, Adam Smith, Babbage, Marx, Schumpeter and Stigler - in the growth of this critical collection of ideas. Economists interested in the emergence of their discipline and historians of ideas will welcome this collection which will make Professor Rosenberg's many substantial contributions more widely accessible to teachers, students and researchers.

First published in 1980, but then out of print for several years, this collection, together with The History of Ideas and Doctrines of Canon Law in the Middle Ages, presents a series of fundamental articles by the acknowledged master of medieval canon law studies. For this second edition they have been provided with extensive sections of new notes and references and the detailed indexes have been wholly revised and expanded. The volumes therefore now constitute essential works of reference for all those interested in the study of the medieval Church and its law. Ces deux collections, tout d'abord publiees en 1980, mais actuellement hors impression depuis plusieurs annees, presentent une serie de textes fondamentaux du mAcitre inconteste de l'etude du droit canon medieval. Pour cette seconde edition, elles ont ete enrichies de sections importantes de nouvelles notes et references et les index detailles ont ete entierement revises et approfondis. De ce fait, ces ouvrages constituent aujourd'hui des travaux essentiels de reference pour tous ceux interesses par l'etude de l'Eglise medievale et de son droit.

How do different cultures think about race? In the modern era, racial distinctiveness has been assessed primarily in terms of a person's physical appearance. But it was not always so. As Denise McCoskey shows, the ancient Greeks and Romans did not use skin colour as the basis for categorising ethnic disparity. The colour of one's skin lies at the foundation of racial variability today because it was used during the heyday of European exploration and colonialism to construct a hierarchy of civilizations and then justify slavery and other forms of economic exploitation. Assumptions about race thus have to take into account factors other than mere physiognomy. This is particularly true in relation to the classical world. In fifth century Athens, racial theory during the Persian Wars produced the categories 'Greek' and 'Barbarian', and set them in brutal opposition to one another: a process that could be as intense and destructive as 'black and 'white' in our own age. Ideas about race in antiquity were therefore completely distinct but as closely bound to political and historical contexts as those that came later. This provocative book boldly explores the complex matrices of race - and the differing interpretations of ancient and modern - across epic, tragedy and the novel. Ranging from Theocritus to Toni Morrison, and from Tacitus and Pliny to Bernal's seminal study Black Athena, this is a powerful and original new assessment.

In studies of psychology's role in modernism, Carl Jung is usually relegated to a cameo appearance, if he appears at all. This book rethinks his place in modernist culture during its formative years, mapping Jung's influence on a surprisingly vast transatlantic network of artists, writers, and thinkers. Jay Sherry sheds light on how this network grew and how Jung applied his unique view of the image-making capacity of the psyche to interpret such modernist icons as James Joyce and Pablo Picasso. His ambition to bridge the divide between the natural and human sciences resulted in a body of work that attracted a cohort of feminists and progressives involved in modern art, early childhood education, dance, and theater.

Based mainly on unknown Russian archival sources which have previously been unobtainable, this book analyses the Bolshevik concepts of the Chinese revolution and their reception in China. Issues include the role of the three Bolshevik leaders, Lenin, Stalin, and Trotsky in trying to lead the Chinese Communists to victory, the real nature of the Trotsky-Stalin split in the Comintern, and a dramatic history of the Chinese Oppositionist movement in Soviet Russia.

First published in 1997. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

This book discusses how the allies worked towards determining the political future of a defeated Germany. It oulines how the deep ideological divisions within the allied forces ultimately resulted in the division of Germany and discusses how indigenous political movements were impeded by a deeply felt distrust of German nationalism in all organisations. Yes these considerations are seen in the context of the masive logistical problems faced by the allies in restoring order to the chaos of war-ravaged Germany. Focusing on the experiences of Hanover, the book illustrates how post-war German politics are the result of a coalescence of distinct and at times even contradictory ideologies and interests, emphasising how the German political scene can only be understood in terms of the mutual interaction of personalities, beliefs and economics and of indigenous and foreign influences.

"In editing this collection, Martha Hodes has performed an invaluable service to those of us in the profession who endeavor to teach what has been the focus of our own scholarship: race and sex."
--"The Journal of Southern History"

"Important. . . . The breadth of human experience and historical subfields traversed by the authors is astonishing."
--"Journal of Social History"

"Hodes has compiled a thoughtful collection of essays which explore the implications of interracial sexual activity from the colonial period to the late 20th century."
--"Virginia Quarterly Review"Since pre-colonial days, America has been both torn apart and united by love, sex, and marriage across racial boundaries. Whether motivated by violent conquest, economics, lust, or love, such unions have disturbed some of America's most sacred beliefs and prejudices.

Sex, Love, Race provides a historical foundation for contemporary discussions of sex across racial lines, which, despite the numbers of interracial marriages and multiracial children, remains a controversial issue today. The first historical anthology to focus solely and widely on the subject, Sex, Love, Race gathers new essays by both younger and well-known scholars which probe why and how the specter of sex across racial boundaries has so threatened Americans of all colors and classes.

Traversing the whole of American history, from liaisons among Indians, Europeans, and Africans to twentieth-century social scientists' fascination with sex between "Orientals" and whites, the essays cover a range of regions, races, ethnicities, and sexual orientations. In so doing, Sex, Love, Race, sketches a larger portrait of the overlappingconstruction of racial, ethnic, and sexual identities in America.

Founders, classics, and canons have been vitally important in helping to frame sociology's identity. Within the academy today, a number of positions-feminist, postmodernist, postcolonial-question the status of "tradition." In Founders, Classics, Canons, Peter Baehr defends the continuing importance of sociology's classics and traditions in a university education. Baehr offers arguments against interpreting, defending, and attacking sociology's great texts and authors in terms of founders and canons. He demonstrates why, in logical and historical terms, discourses and traditions cannot actually be "founded" and why the term "founder" has little explanatory content. Equally, he takes issue with the notion of "canon" and argues that the analogy between the theological canon and sociological classic texts, though seductive, is mistaken. Although he questions the uses to which the concepts of founder, classic, and canon have been put, Baehr is not dismissive. On the contrary, he seeks to understand the value and meaning these concepts have for the people who employ them in the cultural battle to affirm or attack the liberal university tradition.

Mendacity in Early Modern Literature and Culture examines the historical, cultural, and epistemological underpinnings of lying and deception in early modern England, including the political, religious, aesthetic, and philosophical discourses that governed the codes of lying and truth-telling from the sixteenth to the early eighteenth centuries. The contributions to this collection draw on a wide range of early modern English literature from Shakespeare to Swift, and from travel writing to poetry, in order to explore the extent to which plays, poems, and narrative texts in this period were sites of negotiation, and, at times, of ideological warfare between the moral imperative of truth-telling and the expediency of telling lies. What were the cultural norms of truthfulness and lying, and on what basis were they constructed? What were the consequences when someone did not share the assumed common project of truth-telling? And which forms of communication were exempt from the pragmatic strictures on mendacious discourse? This book was originally published as a special issue of the European Journal of English Studies.

A bitter debate erupted in 1834 between Orientalists and Anglicists over what kind of public education the British should promote in their growing Indian empire. This collection of the main documents pertaining to the controversy (some published for the first time) aims to recover the major British and South Asian voices, broaden our understanding of imperial discourses and recognise the significant role of the colonised in the shaping of colonial knowledge. Bringing together into a single volume documents not easily obtained - long out of print, never before published, or scattered about in sundry books and journals - enables modern readers to judge the relative merits of the various arguments and undermines the common impression that the controversy was simply an exercise in colonial power involving only Europeans.