A lucid and forceful volume that explores the tacit and subtle ways the American justice system links deviance to people of color When The Color of Crime was first published ten years ago, it was heralded as a path-breaking book on race and crime. Now, in its tenth anniversary year, Katheryn Russell-Brown's book is more relevant than ever. The Jena Six, Duke Lacrosse Team, Amadou Diallo, Sean Bell, James Byrd, and all of those victimized in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina are just a few of the racially fueled cases that have made headlines in the past decade. Russell-Brown continues to ask, why do Black and White Americans perceive police actions so differently? Is White fear of Black crime justified? Do African Americans really protect their own? Should they? And why are we still talking about O.J.? Russell-Brown surveys the landscape of American crime and identifies some of the country's most significant racial pathologies. In this new edition, each chapter is updated and revised, and two new chapters have been added. Enriched with twenty-five new cases, the explosive and troublesome chapter on "Racial Hoaxes" demonstrates that "playing the race card" is still a popular ploy. The Color of Crime is a lucid and forceful volume that calls for continued vigilance on the part of journalists, scholars, and policymakers alike. Through her innovative analysis of cases, ideological and media trends, issues, and practices that resonate below the public radar even in the new century, Russell-Brown explores the tacit and subtle ways that deviance is systematically linked to people of color. Her findings are impossible to ignore.

The Chinese in Indonesia have played an important role in Indonesian society before and after the fall of Soeharto. This book provides comprehensive and up-to-date information by examining them in detail during that era with special reference to the post-Soeharto period. The contributors to this volume consist of both older- and younger-generation scholars writing on Indonesian Chinese. They offer new information and fresh perspectives on the issues of government policies, legal position, ethnic politics, race relations, religion, education and prospects of the Chinese Indonesians.

The 21st century sees an increasing number of cultural minorities in the United States. Particularly, the rise in multi-cultural or mixed heritage families is on the rise. As with many trends, just as the amount of diversity increases, so does the level of resistance in groups that oppose this diversity.

While this problem exists through life for persons from multicultural backgrounds, the tension is particularly acute for children, whose identities and socialization experiences are still in formation. With parents from different cultural backgrounds, as well as school and community experiences giving that might question their diverse heritage, children are likely to experience distressing confusion. How can they come to terms with this conflict, and how can family and community help them to resolve it?

Combining case studies and interviews, this work particularly focuses on multi-cultural families as a yet untapped source of information about inter-culture contact. Voices of Diversity: Multiculturalism in America will be both a resource for researchers and practitioners, as well as a practical guide to families dealing with these issues every day.

Based on a flagship research project for the Joseph Rowntree Foundation's Immigration and Inclusion programme, this book argues that social cohesion is achieved through people (new arrivals as well as the long-term settled) being able to resolve the conflicts and tensions within their day-to-day lives in ways that they find positive and viable.

Since the fall of President Suharto in May 1998, Indonesia, the third largest country in Asia, has been facing a political, economic and social crisis. Racial and religious clashes, culminating in riots, burning and chaos, have become a daily event throughout the country. There are signs that this multi-racial, multi-religious and multi-cultural country may disintegrate just as Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union.

There are two major reasons why Indonesia is facing the crisis. First, Suharto failed to keep the balance of power between the armed forces and Islam, just as Sukarno had failed in his interplay of strength between Communism and the armed forces. When the balance was tilted, chaos and disasters followed. The second reason is that the Indonesian people, at least a section of them, have lost the spirit of tolerance -- symbolised in the Indonesian state crest, Bhenneka Tunggal Ika ('Unity in Diversity') -- which is so vital in a multi-religious and plural society. The mass killing of thousands of ethnic Chinese on 13 May 1998; the appearance of mysterious 'ninja' murders, the burning of churches and mosques, and the religious clashes between Christians and Muslims in Ambon have all indicated that this spirit of tolerance which was once so strongly imbedded in the Indonesian culture is fast evaporating. There seems to be no more rule of law in the country. The cry for 'jihad' among the Muslims in Jakarta, to take revenge on the Christians in Ambon, is making the more moderate religious leaders panicky. There is a tendency among the Indonesians to take the law into their own hands. Some extreme Muslims even hope to establish an Islamic State of Indonesia.

Economically, Indonesia'scommerce and industries have been ruined, with foreign investors shunning the country. Millions of people are dying everyday from hunger. The economic situation is deteriorating everyday.

The author of this book is the former Singapore Ambassador to Indonesia in 1970-74, and was a journalist who had taken an interest in Indonesia since 1955 when he went to Bandung to cover the Afro-Asian conference. When he was Ambassador, he had the opportunity to travel widely across the country and observe the psyche of its people at close quarters. He has made many friends, from President Suharto. the military leaders, governors, mayors, down to ordinary people from all walks of life, including journalists, musicians and artists.

In this book, he gives insightful analyses and perspectives of the political collapse of Suharto and describes the danger facing the country. He also describes the diversity in the history, traditions, customs and cultures of the various ethnic groups, including Javanese mysticism, the happy-go-lucky Sundanese, the hot-tempered Madurese, the charming Balinese, the Minangkabaus who are matriarchal, the militant Bataks, the Malays who were once the founders of the Sri-Vijiya Buddhist empire, and then the Bugis, Makassarese, Torajans, Ambonese, Timorese and Irianese. The accounts are based on the author's personal impressions and reflections of his encounters with the different races.

The author is of the opinion that it is necessary for the peoples of so many ethnicities, religions and cultures to remember their national motto -- Bhenneka Tunggal -- so that the country can survive the present crisis. After all, Indonesia has 336 ethnic groups speaking 250 dialects whichreflect a staggering racial, religious and cultural diversity.

The aim of this book is to bring about a better understanding of the Indonesian peoples and to eradicate the misunderstanding and misconception about the country.

"This book brings to light existing experiences of Romani political participation in both Eastern and Western Europe, and contributes to a more nuanced empirical and theoretical understanding of the emerging political space that over 8 million Romani citizens occupy within an expanding European Union"--Provided by publisher.

Why have settler societies, such as Australia, Canada, and New Zealand moved to the forefront of multi-cultural change? This question is addressed in this comparative study. David Pearson explores the linked processes of aboriginal dispossession, settler state formation and international migration, and argues these historical foundations are still closely related to recent trends in ethnic politics. His surveys include discussions of multiculturalism, national identity, sovereignty, globalization, and citizenship.

This book analyzes the impact of migration on the lives of multiple generations of 2000 Turkish families. Exploring education, marriage, fertility, friends, attitudes and religiosity, it reveals transformations and continuities in the lives of migrants and their families in Europe when compared to their non-migrant counterparts in Turkey.

This book follows the transnational lives of children growing up as British Bangladeshi individuals in multicultural London. Exploring the array of international events, communities and forces which influence them, Zeitlyn examines the socialisation practices among British Bangladeshi families and how this shapes their childhood and identities.

This book has two aims: to clarify the meaning of C. Wright Mills's depiction of the sociological imagination; and to use this to develop a sociological framework that assists in understanding the process by which communal violence has ended in Northern Ireland and South Africa. The contrast between these two societies is a familiar one, but the book is novel by developing an explanatory framework based on Mills's "sociological imagination". This model merges developments in the two countries at the individual, social structural and political arenas in order to account for the emergence of their peace processes.

This collection examines the current stage of multicultural challenges and their influence on democracy in 12 countries of Europe and East Asia. Contributors draw out the differences between European and East Asian approaches to universalizing locality and localizing global norms regarding human rights and democratic individuality.

aAlways fascinating, often brilliant.a
--"Diplomatic History"

aHorneas study raises thorny yet critical questions and offers a nuanced reading of both black emigrants and soldiers, cautioning against an overly romanticized vision of either group. Readers interested in the history of black menas military participation and the broader history of American social and political history in the First World War era will find this book a welcome addition to the literature.a
-- Social History"

"Horne tells this story in expert fashion...The book's strengths lie in its thick description of how perceptions about the revolution affected black-white relations in the United States, an achievement that points the way toward a better understanding of civil rights history in the context of international relations."
--"The Journal of American History"

Too often, when America speaks of race, it is in black and white terms. Dialogue surrounding race seems always to position whiteness as the center around which all other colors revolve. Meanwhile relations between minorities are largely ignored, surfacing in our consciousness only when tensions flare, as in the case of Black-Korean violence in Los Angeles.

In our life times, Whites will no longer constitute a majority in America. As a result, Black/Brown relations--and the need for this relationship to be fruitful and mutually supportive--take on an even greater urgency. Yet, this relationship has been troubled, characterized too often by a misguided sense of competitiveness, hostility, and even violence, as evidenced by the Miami race riots of the 1980s.

In this brief, accessible, impassioned volume, Bill Piatt surveys Black/Brownrelations in their entirety, devoting chapters to such issues as competition in a shrinking labor market, the re-segregation of our public schools, the language barrier, gang warfare, and voting coalitions. Reviewing similarities and differences between the Black and Brown experience in America, Bill Piatt emphasizes the need for solidarity and mutual understanding and offers explicit proposals for greater racial harmony. Blacks and Browns must get along not only for their sake, he argues, but for a stronger, more stable America.

This book is the first collection of Loyalist scholarship to span the 13 independent states and the Florida and Canadian provinces that remained loyal to the Crown in the American Revolution. The Loyalists disrupted the colonial communities in which they lived in ways that helped define the Revolution. Loyalist garrison towns became a pathological environment of violence and suspicion, which brought out the worst in patriot, British, and Loyalist behavior. In Canada, Loyalist exiles tried to create model Anglo-American communities, but in the end had to jettison Loyalist ideology to claim a new British North American identity.

Race and Racism in Modern East Asia juxtaposes Western racial constructions of East Asians with constructions of race and their outcomes in modern East Asia. It is the first endeavor to explicitly and coherently link constructions of race and racism in both regions. These constructions have not only played a decisive role in shaping the relations between the West and East Asia since the mid nineteenth century, but also exert substantial influence on current relations and mutual images in both the East-West nexus and East Asia. Written by some of the field's leading authorities, this groundbreaking 21-chapter volume offers an analysis of these constructions, their evolution and their interrelations.

Washington provides a detailed guide to the philosophy of Alain Locke, one of the most influential African American thinkers of our time. The work gives special attention to what Washington calls Destiny Studies, an approach which allows a people to concentrate on their past, present, and future possibilities, and to view the experience of a race as a coherent unity, rather than a set of fragmented historical happenings. In providing a broad vision of Locke's ideas, Washington considers the views of Booker T. Washington and his contemporaries, the theories of anthropologists concerning race and ethnicity, and many of the social issues current in our own age. By doing so, Washington affirms the importance of Locke as a philosopher and demonstrates the impact of Locke on the destiny of African Americans.

In this era of recognition and reconciliation in settler societies indigenous peoples are laying claims to tribunals, courts and governments and reclaiming extensive territories and resource rights, in some cases even political sovereignty. But, paradoxically, alongside these practices of decolonization, settler societies continue the work of colonization in myriad everyday ways. This book explores this ongoing colonization in indigenous-settler identity politics in Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States.

Based on one of the most extensive scientific surveys of race ever conducted, this book investigates the relationship between racial perceptions and policy choices in America. The contributors-leading scholars in the fields of public opinion, race relations, and political behavior-clarify and explore images of African-Americans that white Americans hold and the complex ways that racial stereotypes shape modern political debates about such issues as affirmative action, housing, welfare, and crime. The authors make use of the largest national study of public opinion on racial issues in more than a generation-the Race and Politics Study (RPS) conducted by the Survey Research Center at the University of California. The RPS employed methodological improvements made possible by Computer Assisted Telephone Interviewing, a technique that enables analysts to combine the internal validity of laboratory experiments with the external validity of probability sampling. Taking full advantage of these research methods, the authors offer highly nuanced analyses of subjects ranging from the sources of racial stereotypes to the racial policy preferences of Democrats and Republicans to the reasons for resistance to affirmative action. Their findings indicate that while crude and explicit forms of racial prejudice may have declined in recent decades, racial stereotypes persist among many whites and exert a powerful influence on the ways they view certain public policies.

The acceleration of media culture globalization processes cross-fertilization and people's exchange beyond the confinement of national borders, but not all of them lead to substantial transformations of national identity or foster cosmopolitan outlook in terms of openness, togetherness and dialogue within and beyond the national borders. Whilst national borders continue to become more and more porous, the measures of border control are constantly reformulated to tame disordered flows and tightly re-demarcate the borders-materially, physically, symbolically and imaginatively. Border crossing does not necessarily bring about the transgression of borders. Transgression of borders requires one to fundamentally question how borders in the existing form have been socio-historically constructed and also seek to displace their exclusionary power that unevenly divide "us" and "them" and "here" and "there." This book considers how media culture and the management of people's border crossing movement combine with Japan's cultural diversity to institute the creation of national cultural borders in Japanese millennials. Critical analysis of this development is a pressing matter if we are to seriously consider how to make Japan's national cultural borders more inclusive and dialogic.

With over 500 private money sources for black and minority students, this indispensible guide includes information about award amounts, deadlines, contact names, addresses, and phone numbers.

This book is about neighbourhoods and networks between the diverse people of contemporary Europe who live in a globalized and globalizing world and across different types of borders: physical and mental, geopolitical and symbolic. The book's theme is set within the larger framework of globalization and geopolitical re-ordering on the European continent, processes in which the supra-national EU has played a highly significant role and where transnational relations increasingly become the norm.
This collection is based on qualitative social research in a range of European locations. It explores community relations that are marked by boundaries whose primary local definitions are national, ethnic or racial, and it examines the local negotiations of those boundaries, including the attempts to overcome them. The book thus brings into comparative perspective the negotiations of national and historical identities that are often foregrounded by border studies, and concerns with ethnic and multicultural identities which tend to be the domain of migration studies.

When and why did "white people" start calling themselves "white"? When and why did "white slavery" become a paradox, and then a euphemism for prostitution? To answer such questions, Taylor begins with the auction of a "white" slave in the first African American novel, William Wells Brown's Clotel (1853), and contrasts Brown's basic assumptions about race, slavery, and sexuality with treatment of those issues in scenes of slave marketing in English Renaissance drama. From accounts of Columbus and other early European voyagers to popular English plays two centuries later, Taylor traces a paradigm shift in attitudes toward white men, and analyzes the emergence of new models of sexuality and pornography in an "imperial backwash" that affected whites as much as blacks. Moving between the English Renaissance and the "American Renaissance" of the 1850s, this original and provocative book recovers the lost interracial history of the birth of whiteness.

After the civil rights and anti-apartheid struggles, are we truly living in post-racial, post-apartheid societies where the word struggle is now out of place? Do we now truly realize that, as President Obama said, the situation for the Palestinian people is "intolerable"? This book argues that this is not so, and asks, "What has Soweto to do with Ferguson, New York with Cape Town, Baltimore with Ramallah?"

With South Africa, the United States, and Palestine as the most immediate points of reference, it seeks to explore the global wave of renewed struggles and nonviolent revolutions led largely by young people and the challenges these pose to prophetic theology and the church. It invites the reader to engage in a trans-Atlantic conversation on freedom, justice, peace, and dignity.

These struggles for justice reflect the proposal the book discusses: there are pharaohs on both sides of the blood-red waters. Central to this conversation are the issues of faith and struggles for justice; the call for reconciliation--its possibilities and risks; the challenges of and from youth leadership; prophetic resistance; and the resilient, audacious hope without which no struggle has a future.

The book argues that these revolutions will only succeed if they are claimed, embraced, and driven by the people.

Multiculturalism has failed. In an era of globalization and super-diversity, in which our world is becoming increasingly interconnected, the inability of multicultural policies to adapt to this new era has left people feeling disconnected and powerless. With both personal and collective identities threatened by transnational corporate powers and supra-national organizations, the time has come for radical policy changes. In this book, Ted Cantle confronts the failures of Multiculturalism head-on and establishes a new concept - interculturalism - for managing community relations in a world defined by globalization and super-diversity. The book argues that as all countries become more multicultural, a new framework of interculturalism is needed to mediate these relationships and that this will require new systems of governance to support it.