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Books > Business & Economics > Industry & industrial studies > Media, information & communication industries > Press & journalism
Since the introduction of radio and television news, journalism has
gone through multiple transformations, but each time it has been
sustained by a commitment to basic values and best practices.
The demise of the newspaper has long been predicted. Yet newspapers continue to survive globally despite competition from radio, television, and now the Internet, because they serve core social functions in successful cultures. Initial chapters of this book provide an overview of the development of modern newspapers. Subsequent chapters examine particular societies and geographic regions to see what common traits exist among the uses and forms of newspapers and those artifacts that carry the name "newspaper" but do not meet the commonly accepted definition. The conclusion suggests that newspapers are of such core value to a successful society that a timely and easily accessible news product will succeed despite, or perhaps because of, changes in reading habits and technology.
In the summer of 1928, William Alexander Scott began a small four-page weekly with the help of his brother Cornelius. In 1930 his Atlanta World became a semiweekly, and the following year W. A. began to implement his vision for a massive newspaper chain based out of Atlanta: the Southern Newspaper Syndicate, later dubbed the Scott Newspaper Syndicate. In April 1931 the World had become a triweekly, and its reach began drifting beyond the South. With The Grapevine of the Black South, Thomas Aiello offers the first critical history of this influential newspaper syndicate, from its roots in the 1930s through its end in the 1950s. At its heyday, more than 240 papers were associated with the Syndicate, making it one of the biggest organs of the black press during the period leading up to the classic civil rights era (1955-68). In the generation that followed, the Syndicate helped formalize knowledge among the African American population in the South. As the civil rights movement exploded throughout the region, black southerners found a collective identity in that struggle built on the commonality of the news and the subsequent interpretation of that news. Or as Gunnar Myrdal explained, the press was "the chief agency of group control. It [told] the individual how he should think and feel as an American Negro and create[d] a tremendous power of suggestion by implying that all other Negroes think and feel in this manner." It didn't create a complete homogeneity in black southern thinking, but it gave thinkers a similar set of tools from which to draw.
This book explores whether a beleaguered press in recent years has been developing an emotive, Eurosceptic post-truth rhetoric of its own - competing for attention with populist politicians. These politicians now by-pass the media, talking directly to their publics in blogs, on Twitter and Facebook. In the post-truth age, objective facts are less influential in shaping opinion than appeals to emotion. Audiences congregate around views they share and want to believe. The author presents a critical discourse analysis of the language used by populist politicians online, on Facebook, and subsequently quoted in the press, which highlights how the political rhetoric of Italian and British politicians is often at its most inflammatory around the issue of immigration. The same goes for the press. The Italian case study focuses on media coverage of the 2014 and 2019 European elections and 2018 general election. The British case study examines press reporting of the 2016 UK referendum on EU membership, the 2017 general election, and the September 2019 parliamentary debate immediately following the UK Supreme Court ruling that proroguing of Parliament was illegal. From the picture that emerges, the author argues that journalists need to change how they report, to challenge the post-truthers, holding them to account and pressing them on the facts while also harnessing the emotions of disaffected publics.
Secret lunches, off-the-record briefings, the leaking of confidential information and tightly-organized media launches - the well-known world of modern political spin. But is this really a new phenomenon or have politicians been manipulating the press for as long as newspapers have existed? In this important new book, Paul Brighton shows that spin is not something dreamed up by modern, media-savvy politicians. In fact, it was one of the best-kept political secrets of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. From Peel and Palmerston to Gladstone and Disraeli, Prime Ministers have all tried to manipulate the press to a greater or lesser extent. Brighton uncovers the covert contacts between Westminster and Fleet Street and reveals how the Victorian occupants of 10 Downing Street secretly conveyed their viewpoints via the newspapers. For the first time, "Original Spin" tells the whole, unvarnished, story.
Originally published in 1979, the first volume of the bestselling "Gonzo Papers" is now back in print. The Great Shark Hunt is Dr. Hunter S. Thompson's largest and, arguably, most important work, covering Nixon to napalm, Las Vegas to Watergate, Carter to cocaine. These essays offer brilliant commentary and outrageous humor, in signature Thompson style. Ranging in date from the National Observer days to the era of Rolling Stone, The Great Shark Hunt offers myriad, highly charged entries, including the first Hunter S. Thompson piece to be dubbed "gonzo" -- "The Kentucky Derby Is Decadent and Depraved," which appeared in Scanlan's Monthly in 1970. From this essay a new journalistic movement sprang which would change the shape of American letters. Thompson's razor-sharp insight and crystal clarity capture the crazy, hypocritical, degenerate, and redeeming aspects of the explosive and colorful '60s and '70s.
The southern textile strikes of 1929-1931 were ferocious struggles--thousands of millhands went on strike, the National Guard was deployed, several people were killed and hundreds injured and jailed. The southern press, and for a time the national press, covered the story in enormous detail. In recounting developments, southern reporters and editors found themselves swept up on a painful and sweeping re-examination and reconstruction of southern institutions and values. Whalen explores the largely unknown world of southern journalism and investigates the ways in which the upheaval in textiles triggered profound soul-searching among southerners. The southern textile strikes of 1929-1931 were ferocious struggles--thousands of millhands went on strike, the National Guard was deployed, several people were killed and hundreds injured and jailed. The southern press, and for a time the national press, covered the story in enormous detail. In recounting developments, southern reporters and editors found themselves swept up on a painful and sweeping re-examination and reconstruction of southern institutions and values. Whalen explores the largely unknown world of southern journalism and investigates the ways in which the upheaval in textiles triggered profound soul-searching among southerners. The worlds of labor, journalism, and the American South collide in this study. That collision, Whalen claims, is the prelude to the stunning social, economic, and cultural transformation of the American South which occurred in the last half of the twentieth century. The textile strikes shocked the mind of the South, a fact that can readily be seen in hometown papers, as reporters and editors ran the gamut from denial and scheming to hoping and dreaming--sometimes even bravely confronting the truth. The reevaluation of southern manners and mores that would culminate in the Civil Rights struggles of the 1950s and 1960s can be dated back to this period of turmoil.
In a period of turmoil when European and international politics were in constant reshaping, immigrants and political exiles living in London set up periodicals which contributed actively to national and international political debates. Reflecting an interdisciplinary and international discussion, this book offers a rare long-term specialist perspective into the cosmopolitan and multilingual world of the foreign political press in London, with an emphasis on periodicals published in European languages. It furthers current research into political exile, the role of print culture and personal networks as intercultural agents and the dynamics of transnational political and cultural exchange in global capitals. Individual chapters deal with Brazilian, French, German, Indian, Italian, Portuguese, Spanish, Spanish American, and Russian periodicals. Overarching themes include a historical survey of foreign political groups present in London throughout the long 19th century and the causes and movements they championed; analyses of the press in local and transnational contexts; and a focus on its actors and on the material conditions in which this press was created and disseminated. The Foreign Political Press in Nineteenth-Century London is a useful volume for students and academics with an interest in 19th-century politics or the history of the press.
Why did Edwardian novelists portray journalists as swashbuckling, truth-seeking super-heroes whereas post-WW2 depictions present the journalist as alienated outsider? Why are contemporary fictional journalists often deranged, murderous or intensely vulnerable? As newspaper journalism faces the double crisis of a lack of trust post-Leveson, and a lack of influence in the fragmented internet age, how do cultural producers view journalists and their role in society today? In The Journalist in British Fiction and Film Sarah Lonsdale traces the ways in which journalists and newspapers have been depicted in fiction, theatre and film from the dawn of the mass popular press to the present day. The book asks first how journalists were represented in various distinct periods of the 20th century and then attempts to explain why these representations vary so widely. This is a history of the British press, told not by historians and sociologists, but by writers and directors as well as journalists themselves. In uncovering dozens of forgotten fictions, Sarah Lonsdale explores the bare-knuckled literary combat conducted by writers contesting the disputed boundaries between literature and journalism. Within these texts and films there is perhaps also a clue as to how the best aspects of 'Fourth estate' journalism can survive in the digital age. Authors covered in the volume include: Martin Amis, Graham Greene, George Orwell, Pat Barker, Evelyn Waugh, Elizabeth Bowen, Arnold Wesker and Rudyard Kipling. Television and films covered include House of Cards (US and UK versions), Spotlight, Defence of the Realm, Secret State and State of Play.
This book explores contemporary approaches to mobile storytelling, with contributions covering mobile education, news and screen storytelling, creative practice research, and the impact on vulnerable communities and social innovation. With 18 original chapters, Schleser and Xu bring together international media and communication scholars, digital storytellers, filmmakers, musicians, and educators to discuss the significant contributions made by mobile storytelling within academia, culture and society, resulting in a vibrant and interdisciplinary collection that will be a valuable resource to researchers across the arts, humanities and social sciences. This edited collection is a result of the collaboration between Mobile Studies International (MSI) and the Mobile Innovation Network & Association (MINA) at the International Mobile Storytelling Congress (IMSC) at the University of Nottingham Ningbo China.
Foreign Aid and Journalism in the Global South: A Mouthpiece for Truth examines the way in which foreign aid has shaped professional ideologies of journalism as part of systematic and orchestrated efforts since the beginning of the twentieth century to shape journalism as a political institution of the Global South. Foreign aid pushed for cultural convergence around a set of ideologies as a way of exporting ideology and expanding markets, reflecting the market society along with the expansion of U.S. power and culture across the globe. Jairo Lugo-Ocando argues that these policies were not confined to the Cold War and were not a purely modern phenomenon; today's journalism grammar was not invented in one place and spread to the rest, but was instead a forced colonial and post-colonial nation-building exercise that reflected both imposition and contestation to these attempts. As a result, Lugo-Ocando claims, journalism grammar and ideology differ between societies in the Global South, regardless of claims of universality. Scholars of journalism, international relations, Latin American Studies, and history will find this book particularly useful.
This book deals with an aspect of the Great War that has been largely overlooked: the war reportage written based on British and American authors' experiences at the Western Front. It focuses on how the liminal experience of the First World War was portrayed in a series of works of literary journalism at different stages of the conflict, from the summer of 1914 to the Armistice in November 1918. Sara Prieto explores a number of representative texts written by a series of civilian eyewitness who have been passed over in earlier studies of literature and journalism in the Great War. The texts under discussion are situated in the 'liminal zone', as they were written in the middle of a transitional period, half-way between two radically different literary styles: the romantic and idealising ante bellum tradition, and the cynical and disillusioned modernist school of writing. They are also the product of the various stages of a physical and moral journey which took several authors into the fantastic albeit nightmarish world of the Western Front, where their understanding of reality was transformed beyond anything they could have anticipated.
How did the first United States foreign correspondents help shape an American common sense about the rest of the world? This new study is the first to address this key question, examining the images of foreign countries that emerge from the first formally organized American foreign correspondence. Its focus is on the discourses of the world constructed in mid-19th-century correspondence, which provided American newspaper readers with their first cohesive view of the world outside its borders. By emphasizing the emergence of foreign correspondence across its first two decades (1838-1859), and by comparing it to images in editorial and congressional debates of the time, Giovanna Dell'Orto's analysis addresses the pivotal question of what meanings were ascribed to foreign cultures during this key time. "Giving Meanings to the World" also establishes for the first time in scholarly literature the early history of the content of foreign news and editorials in American newspapers while also exploring alternative constructions of foreign cultures in the correspondence for an African-American newspaper and by women writers. Unique in both subject matter and approach, this work gathers together and puts into perspective an array of information and discussion about how America viewed other nations in the early days of foreign correspondence.
Larrikins, Rebels, and Journalistic Freedom is a cultural history of Australian journalism. In a democratic nation where a free news media is not guaranteed, Australian journalism has inherited what could be described as a 'Larrikin' tradition to protect its independence. This book mines Australian journalism's rebelliousness, humor and distinct disrespect for authority in various socio-historical contexts, to explore its determination to maintain professional independence. Beginning with a Larrikin analysis of Australian journalism's inherited Enlightenment tradition, Dr Josie Vine takes the reader through the Colonial era's hardships, Federation, two World Wars, the Cold War's fear and suspicion, the swinging sixties, a Prime Minister's dismissal, 1980's neo-liberalism, post-9/11 and, finally, provides a conclusive synthesis of current Australian journalism culture. Throughout, the book highlights the audacious, iconoclastic and determined figure of the Larrikin-journalist, forever pushing boundaries to protect democracy's cornerstone - freedom of the news media. "Book-length histories of Australian journalism are still relatively rare, but what makes this new arrival particularly welcome is the way in which it is structured around an exploration of the 'Larrikin paradox'. This refers to the fact that although Australian journalism may profess to be 'professional' and 'reputable', it can also be raucous, unruly and disrespectful in pursuit of what it sees as its democratic purposes. The Larrikin may be a uniquely Australian figure but the paradox is far from confined to Australian journalism (not least because of the influence of erstwhile Australian Rupert Murdoch on journalism in the Anglosphere), and this book should be of considerable interest to those concerned with the means whereby journalism performs its democratic, Fourth Estate role in modern democracies. This is an extremely very well-informed and highly insightful work which ought to appeal equally to those interested in journalism and in Australian politics." - Julian Petley, Professor, Brunel University London, UK
The true and extraordinary story of the satirical newspaper created in the mud and mayhem of the Somme, interspersed with comic sketches and spoofs from the vivid imagination of those on the front line. In a bombed out building during the First World War in the French town of Ypres (mispronounced Wipers by British soldiers), two officers discover a printing press and create a newspaper for the troops. Far from being a sombre journal about life in the trenches, they produced a resolutely cheerful, subversive and very funny newspaper designed to lift the spirits of the men on the front line.
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Analysing political discourse in the British press during a time of crisis and austerity, this book examines how the concept of the welfare state has been constructed between 2008 and 2015. At a time when the financial crisis and government policies have put the welfare state under increased pressure, a corpus from four British newspapers from across the political spectrum - the Guardian, Daily Mirror, Daily Mail, and Daily Telegraph - is brought together to investigate the political debate on its evaluation and the ambiguity about its exact definition. Combining two theoretical approaches, Malgorzata Paprota outlines the figurative models and scenarios relevant to this element of the political system. The discourse-historical approach to discourse analysis is used to establish what the welfare state is, tracing the boundaries of the concept and which elements of political reality are explicitly associated with it. Conceptual metaphor theory is then used to explore the figurative conceptualisations of the welfare state. Together, this book shows the discursive construction, and shifting boundaries and metaphors, of the welfare state by the British press and its use in current political debates.
Adopting a multi-perspective ontological approach to language in social life, this book investigates the concept of journalistic stance, defining it as a nexus of social practice rather than simply linguistic realizations. It focuses on the discursive aspect of journalistic stance in news texts to analyse the ways journalistic stances are enacted in Chinese and Australian print-media, hard-news reporting. Further, using the appraisal framework, it identifies stance markers in news texts and examines the social-institutional and (inter)personal aspects of journalistic stance on the basis of insights gained from participant observation in news institutions in order to understand news-production processes. It also highlights the articulation of news values and the exercise of symbolic power in each news-production context. This book appeals to a wide range of researchers, such as discourse analysts in the field of news discourse and other scholars whose research is relevant to stance/evaluation, and those engaged in corpus-informed studies, along with those in the field journalism and communication.
The third volume in The History of Journalism series, this work provides an overview of the period from 1833 to 1865 when major journalistic forces evolved within professional circles, reform movements, Southern nationalism, ethnic, religious and racial minorities. The transition from partisan press to commercial journalism, it is argued, was a gradual process that covered the entire popular press era from the founding of the penny newspapers in 1833 through the end of the Civil War in 1865. Newspapers reflected a diverse, multicultural society and numerous reform and partisan groups during the antebellum era. Civil War correspondents created a new power base, the reporter in the field, by occassionally sending reports independent from the views of their commanding officers and employing editors. The relationship between newspapers and the government and political parties remained a complex one, especially during the war when reporters demonstrated their independence if not their objectivity. Scholars and researchers of journalism history and of the American Civil war will appreciate this synthesis of journalism history during an important period in American history. Among the subjects covered are the New York newspaper wars, specialized publications, alternative newspapers, Western newspaper wars, reporters, officers, and soldiers in the field, and reflections on the popular press. A complete list of sources follows a bibliographical overview.
Health and safety risk issues such as AIDS, hazardous waste disposal, airline disasters, and health care policy frequently dominate the news and require a new level of sensitivity and expertise on the part of journalists. This volume focuses on a study of the trends in risk reporting and offers guidelines on how to report the dangers of these risks more accurately. It also examines the ethical implications of reporting risks to the public. This work will be of interest to those studying communication, specifically in the areas of ethics in journalism and public health and medical reporting.
Willis examines the many orientations and perspectives of reporters that gather and present the news of the day. Debunking the notion that there are limited perspectives journalists may use, Willis examines up to 15 different orientations that reporters bring to their work. These perspectives run the gamut, from the traditional approach of distancing oneself completely from events and people involved to becoming part of the story's fabric to ascertain the story's true essence. Willis also suggests that, for many stories, it is wholly appropriate for journalists to feel what a non-professional would experience at such an event, and to allow those emotions to fuel the reporting and writing of the story. Several examples are discussed in detail, including the coverage of the bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City on April 19, 1995, and the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001.
Including representative journals for the 20th and late 19th centuries, this book profiles the most significant conservative journals of the past century. From the rise of industrial capitalism, when laissez-faire conservatives praised bountiful America, to the end of the Cold War, these journals have covered a variety of topics from differing, sometimes even contradictory, points of view. Yet they speak to the richness and comprehensiveness of the conservative press in America. Together they provide a focused history of conservative thought in 20th Century America. Along with the companion volume on the 18th and 19th Centuries, the book provides a valuable resource for students of the conservative press in America. Covering a variety of disparate journals, the volume arranges them both chronologically and in sections reflecting the themes covered. Politics, individualism, isolationism, anti-Communism, the New Right, neoconservatism, and public policy are featured in four of the sections, while journals examining the issues of religious conservatism appear in sections devoted to Orthodox Protestant and Catholic journals. Yet another section focuses on journals dealing with literary and cultural topics. The remaining sections examine libertarianism, traditionalist perspectives, and extreme right-wing publications. Each section is unified with an introductory essay exploring the connecting themes and issues.
The relationship between the media and government and the influence that relationship has on democracy and national development is explored in this book. The study provides a succinct descriptive review of scholarly research works on communication and its implications for freedom, democracy, and development. The book lists the most frequently cited works in political communication (specifically regarding media-government relationships and press-freedom issues) and development communication. Following a general introduction, Part One examines press-freedom issues and research worldwide, and Part Two presents the relevant literature on development communication issues and provides insights into why the concept is popular with the developing world's journalists. Students, scholars, and policymakers in political communication, development communication, and international development will find this an invaluable tool for their research endeavors.
What does press freedom mean in a digital age? Do we have to live with fake news, hate speech and surveillance? Can we deal with these threats without bringing about the end of an open society? In a fast-moving narrative, Heawood moves from the birth of print to the rise of social media. He shows how the core ideas of press freedom emerged out of the upheavals of the seventeenth century, and argues that these ideas have outlived their sell-by date. Heawood draws on his unique experience as a journalist, campaigner and the founder of the UK's first independent press regulator. He describes his own crisis of faith as his commitment to absolute press freedom was rocked - first by phone hacking at the News of the World, and then by the rise of social media. Nonetheless, he argues powerfully against censorship, and instead sets out the five roles that democratic states should play to ensure that people get the best out of the media and mitigate the worst. |
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