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Books > Humanities > History > World history > From 1900
Italy played a vital role in the Cold War dynamics that shaped the
Middle East in the latter part of the 20th century. It was a junior
partner in the strategic plans of NATO and warmly appreciated by
some Arab countries for its regional approach. But Italian foreign
policy towards the Middle East balanced between promoting dialogue,
stability and cooperation on one hand, and colluding with global
superpower manoeuvres to exploit existing tensions and achieve
local influence on the other. Italy and the Middle East brings
together a range of experts on Italian international relations to
analyse, for the first time in English, the country's Cold War
relationship with the Middle East. Chapters covering a wide range
of defining twentieth century events - from the Arab-Israeli
conflict and the Lebanese Civil War, to the Iranian Revolution and
the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan - demonstrate the nuances of
Italian foreign policy in dealing with the complexity of Middle
Eastern relations. The collection demonstrates the interaction of
local and global issues in shaping Italy's international relations
with the Middle East, making it essential reading to students of
the Cold War, regional interactions, and the international
relations of Italy and the Middle East.
The book tells the untold story of the Conservative Party's
involvement in terms of stance and policy in the destruction of
selective state education from 1945 up to the present day. Close
consideration is paid to their attitudes and prejudices towards
education, both in power and in opposition. Legh examines the
Party's responses to the pressure for comprehensive schooling and
egalitarianism from the Labour Party and the British left. In doing
so, Legh defies current historiography to demonstrate that the
Party were not passive actors in the advancement of comprehensive
schooling. The lively narrative is moved along by the author's
critical examination of the Education Ministers throughout this
period: Florence Horsbrugh and David Eccles serving under Churchill
and Eden and also Quintin Hogg and Geoffrey Lloyd under Macmillan,
as well as Edward Boyle and Margaret Thatcher under Edward Heath.
Legh's detailed research utilises a range of government documents,
personal papers, parliamentary debates and newspapers to provide
this crucial re-assessment of the Conservative Party and selective
education, and in doing so questions over-simplistic
generalisations about wholescale support for selective education
policy. It reveals instead questioning, compromises and
disagreements within the Party and its political and ideological
allies. The result is a stimulating revival of existing scholarship
which will be of interest to scholars of British education and
politics.
In a gripping, moment-by-moment narrative based on a wealth of
recently declassified documents and in-depth interviews, Bob Drury
and Tom Clavin tell the remarkable drama that unfolded over the
final, heroic hours of the Vietnam War. This closing chapter of the
war would become the largest-scale evacuation ever carried out, as
improvised by a small unit of Marines, a vast fleet of helicopter
pilots flying nonstop missions beyond regulation, and a Marine
general who vowed to arrest any officer who ordered his choppers
grounded while his men were still on the ground.
Drury and Clavin focus on the story of the eleven young Marines who
were the last men to leave, rescued from the U.S. Embassy roof just
moments before capture, having voted to make an Alamo-like last
stand. As politicians in Washington struggled to put the best face
on disaster and the American ambassador refused to acknowledge that
the end had come, these courageous men held their ground and helped
save thousands of lives. Drury and Clavin deliver a taut and
stirring account of a turning point in American history that
unfolds with the heartstopping urgency of the best thrillers--a
riveting true story finally told, in full, by those who lived it.
The First World War has often suffered from comparison to the
Second, in terms of both public interest and the significance
ascribed to it by scholars in the shaping of modern Britain. This
is especially so for the relationship between the Left and these
two wars. For the Left, the Second World War can be seen as a time
of triumph: a united stand against fascism followed by a landslide
election win and a radical, reforming Labour government. The First
World War is more complex. Given the gratuitous cost in lives, the
failure of a 'fit country for heroes to live in' to materialise,
the deep recessions and unemployment of the inter-war years, and
the botched peace settlements which served only to precipitate
another war, the Left has tended to view the conflict as an
unmitigated disaster and unpardonable waste. This has led to a
tendency on the Left to see the later conflict as the 'good' war,
fought against an obvious evil, and the earlier conflict as an
imperialist blunder; the result of backroom scheming, secret pacts
and a thirst for colonies. This book hopes to move away from a
concentration on machinations at the elite levels of the labour
movement, on events inside Parliament and intellectual
developments; there is a focus on less well-visited material.
This volume considers the possibilities of the term 'transwar' to
understand the history of Asia from the 1920s to the 1960s.
Recently, scholars have challenged earlier studies that suggested a
neat division between the pre- and postwar or colonial/postcolonial
periods in the national histories of East Asia, instead assessing
change and continuity across the divide of war. Taking this
reconsideration further, Transwar Asia explores the complex
processes by which prewar and colonial ideologies, practices, and
institutions from the 1920s and 1930s were reconfigured during
World War II and, crucially, in the two decades that followed, thus
shaping the Asian Cold War and the processes of decolonization and
nation state-formation. With contributions covering the transwar
histories of China, Indonesia, Korea, Japan, the Philippines and
Taiwan, the book addresses key themes such as authoritarianism,
militarization, criminal rehabilitation, market controls,
labor-regimes, and anti-communism. A transwar angle, the authors
argue, sheds new light on the continuing problems that undergirded
the formation of postwar nation-states and illuminates the
political legacies that still shape the various regions in Asia up
to the present.
The SS Mendi is a wreck site off the Isle of Wight under the
protection of Historic England. Nearly 650 men, mostly from the
South African Native Labour Corps (SANLC), lost their lives in
February 1917 following a collision in fog as they travelled to
serve as labourers on the Western Front, in one of the largest
single losses of life during the conflict. The loss of theSS Mendi
occupies a special place in South African military history.
Prevented from being trained as fighting troops by their own
Government, the men of the SANLC hoped that their contribution to
the war effort would lead to greater civil rights and economic
opportunities in the new white-ruled nation of South African after
the war. These hopes proved unfounded, and the SS Mendi became a
focus of black resistance before and during the Apartheid era in
South Africa. One hundred years on, the wreck of the SS Mendi is a
physical symbol of black South Africans' long fight for social and
political justice and equality and is one of a very select group of
historic shipwrecks from which contemporary political and social
meaning can be drawn, and whose loss has rippled forward in time to
influence later events; a loss that is now an important part of the
story of a new 'rainbow nation'. The wreck of the SS Mendi is now
recognised as one of England's most important First World War
heritage assets and the wreck site is listed under the Protection
of Military Remains Act. New archaeological investigation has
provided real and direct information about the wreck for the first
time. The loss of the Mendi is used to highlight the story of the
SANLC and other labour corps as well as the wider treatment of
British imperial subjects in wartime.
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