Savage Constructions composes a critical examination of the popular assumption that violence is an essential quality of certain ethnic or racial populations. Wendy Hamblet challenges the supposition, all too common in the West, that darker-skinned peoples are inherently violent. To challenge this myth, Savage Constructions offers a theory of subjectivity transformed by historical violence. It rethinks how African peoples, once living in simple neighborly communities more democratic and egalitarian than modern states, have come to the condition of abjection, misery, and fierce aggression, in which we find them today. This rethinking she argues that Western affluence is built upon slaughter, slavery, and colonial oppression, and suggests that prosperous nations of the West owe a great debt to the societies they trampled en route to their prosperity. This work is important because Nnewly independent nations of Africa are a primary example of a much vaster phenomenon. Western powers continue to sack poorer, weaker countries through covert intrigue, outright war, crippling debts, and unfair global labor and trade policies. The violences continue because many Westerners still harbor metaphysical assumptions about the supremacy of white Christians over less "civilized," darker-skinned peoples. These assumptions depress the possibilities of ethnic minorities within the West, continue to influence foreign policy and frustrate global relations, and ensure that the overwhelming collateral damage of modern wars is color conscious. Savage Constructions will appeal to all levels of scholars and students.

What happens when enemies work to advance similar goals? Who wins, who loses, and why? In Frenemies, Nancy Whittier addresses this question through a study of feminist and conservative opposition to pornography, campaigns against child sexual abuse, and engagement on the Violence Against Women Act. Drawing on extensive research, Whittier shows how feminist and conservative activists interacted with each other and with the federal government, how their interaction affected them, and what each side achieved. Whittier re-conceptualizes relationships between social movements, presenting a model of how "frenemies"-groups that are neither allies nor opponents-work toward related goals. She outlines the dynamics and paths of frenemy relationships, describing the unintended consequences for the groups involved and for their respective movements at large. With high levels of political polarization across the U.S., Frenemies provides a crucial look at both the promise and the risk of cooperation across political differences.

This book, based on field research in the West African country of The Gambia, explores how domestic gun control is shaped by international efforts and how local actors interact with international organizations or opt not to do so. The book also shows how the question of who can have what kind of gun under what circumstances is an intrinsic question to modern societies across the world, but it is seldom one that is addressed in sub-Saharan Africa except in cases of post-conflict countries. Small arms control and gun control are often treated as separate efforts, with the former the domain of international actors such as the United Nations and the latter being of concern to the domestic politics of countries such as the United States. By focusing on a country that has never seen the outbreak of a civil war, the book is able to disentangle the complex roots of gun control in Africa, its origins in colonial era legislation, its reverberations across social life, and how it shapes contemporary understandings of groups ranging for security guards to hunters.

This book provides a unique analysis of prisons and the violence at work inside them. It not only addresses aspects such as racial discrimination, especially in US prisons, but also gender differences, specific criminal groups operating within prisons, the reintegration processes and its failures. Combining works by various authors, it presents diverse perspectives on prison violence: in countries ranging from the USA to Australia, crossing European countries such as Portugal and Spain, among others, but also specific aspects such as prohibitions on phone calls, the economic crisis, and the current challenges of mass incarceration. As such, it offers a broad overview of several problems relevant to all scholars interested in deepening their understanding of violence in prisons.

Austerity, a response to the aftermath of the financial crisis, continues to devastate contemporary Britain. In The Violence of Austerity, Vickie Cooper and David Whyte bring together the voices of campaigners and academics including Danny Dorling, Mary O'Hara and Rizwaan Sabir to show that rather than stimulating economic growth, austerity policies have led to a dismantling of the social systems that operated as a buffer against economic hardship, exposing austerity to be a form of systematic violence. Covering a range of famous cases of institutional violence in Britain, the book argues that police attacks on the homeless, violent evictions in the rented sector, the risks faced by people on workfare schemes, community violence in Northern Ireland and cuts to the regulation of social protection, are all being driven by reductions in public sector funding. The result is a shocking expose of the myriad ways in which austerity policies harm people in Britain.

State crimes are historically and contemporarily ubiquitous and result in more injury and death than traditional street crimes such as robbery, theft, and assault. Consider that genocide during the 20th century in Germany, Rwanda, Darfur, Albania, Turkey, Ukraine, Cambodia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and other regions claimed the lives of tens of millions and rendered many more homeless, imprisoned, and psychologically and physically damaged. Despite the gravity of crimes committed by states and political leaders, until recently these harms have been understudied relative to conventional street crimes in the field of criminology. Over the past two decades, a growing number of criminologists have conducted rigorous research on state crime and have tried to disseminate it widely including attempts to develop courses that specifically address crimes of the state. Referencing a broad range of cases of state crime and international institutions of control, State Criminality provides a general framework and survey-style discussion of the field for teaching undergraduate and graduate students, and serves as a useful general reference point for scholars of state crime.

The Roots of Violent Crime in America is criminologist Barry Latzer's comprehensive analysis of crimes of violence-including murder, assault, and rape-in the United States from the 1880s through the 1930s. Combining the theoretical perspectives and methodological rigor of criminology with a synthesis of historical scholarship as well as original research and analysis, Latzer challenges conventional thinking about violent crime of this era. While scholars have traditionally cast American cities in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as dreadful places, Latzer suggests that despite overcrowding and poverty, U.S. cities enjoyed low rates of violent crime, especially when compared to rural areas. The rural South and the thinly populated West both suffered much higher levels of brutal crime than the metropolises of the East and Midwest. Latzer deemphasizes racism and bigotry as causes of violence during this period, noting that while many social groups confronted significant levels of discrimination and abuse, only some engaged in high levels of violent crime. Cultural predispositions and subcultures of violence, he posits, led some groups to participate more frequently in violent activity than others. He also argues that the prohibition on alcohol in the 1920s did not drive up rates of violent crime. Though the bootlegger wars contributed considerably to the murder rate in some of America's largest municipalities, Prohibition also eliminated saloons, which served as hubs of vice, corruption, and lawlessness. The Roots of Violent Crime in America stands as a sweeping reevaluation of the causes of crimes of violence in the United States between the Gilded Age and World War II, compelling readers to rethink enduring assumptions on this contentious topic.

This book presents an in-depth account of nine Black British women's experiences of violence and abuse. Through in depth interviews and analysis the author reveals their feelings of being silenced as children, women, Black women and as victims/survivors. Being silenced or staying silent about experiences of violence and abuse are key influences in how and when women access help and support and Kanyeredzi illuminates missed opportunities in how and when this help and support can and should be given. Based on women's descriptions of how they felt supported, listened to, yet 'unheard', chapters explore what professionals might face in the process of supporting Black women who access these services. The book contributes valuable understanding to the growing literature discussing challenges faced by minoritised women attempting to live full lives in the UK. It also includes images created as part of the project. This book is a useful resource for victims/survivors, students, researchers, clinical psychologists, counsellors, health professionals, social workers, educators and specialised violence support organisations.

Countries recovering from conflicts face economic and institutional devastation - of vital infrastructure such as schools, factories, communication networks, roads, railways, and water systems, as well as diminished human resources, a very weak legal structure and governmental institutions. In this context, policymakers are faced with the task of creating an integrated and comprehensive approach to post-conflict reconstruction with a view to sustainable economic development, political stability and peace consolidation. This volume critically examines the various approaches to encouraging and regulating foreign investment in post-conflict countries. From the perspectives of both the foreign investor and the host country, it suggests how policymakers in post-conflict countries can design a foreign investment strategy that brings real and meaningful economic development as part of the wider peace-building process. FDI in post-conflict countries is discussed from different methodological perspectives, including comparative law and comparative politics, based on case studies of Afghanistan, Rwanda, DRC, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Colombia, Angola and Mozambique. _______________________________ *Virtus C. Igbokwe was an in-house counsel at Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria Limited, Port Harcourt in the early 90s. He obtained his LL.B from the University of Benin, Nigeria; LL.M from the University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada and a PhD in foreign investment arbitration from Osgoode Hall Law School of York University, Toronto, Canada. His research and writing interests are foreign investment arbitration, alternative dispute resolution and international business transactions. He is widely published in these areas. He is a member of Nigeria and Ontario Bars. *Nicholas Turner is Academic Programme Associate in the United Nations University's Institute for Sustainability and Peace in Tokyo. He holds an MA in international relations from the University of Kent in the UK, and previously worked for local government and charities there, as well as for Qinetiq Ltd on a Defence Training Review for the UK Armed Forces. He lectures at Aoyama Gakuin University and Hosei University in Tokyo, Japan. His research interests lie in human rights and ethics, focusing on just war theory, the responsibility to protect, and non-state actors in military conflict - including private military companies. His publications include World Religions and Norms of War (co-edited with Gregory M. Reichberg and Vesselin Popovski, United Nations University Press, 2009). *Obijiofor Aginam is Academic Programme Officer and Director of Studies in the United Nations University's Institute for Sustainability and Peace in Tokyo. Before joining the United Nations, he was a tenured Associate Professor of Law at Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada. In 1999-2001, he was Global Health Leadership Fellow and Legal Officer at the World Health Organization headquarters, Geneva. Dr. Aginam has held numerous research fellowships including the Social Science Research Council (SSRC) of New York Fellow on Global Security and Cooperation, and Fellow of the 21st Century Trust, U.K. He has been a visiting professor at universities in Costa Rica, Italy, South Africa, and Nigeria, and a recipient of the competitive research grant of the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) of Canada. He holds law degrees from Nigeria, Master of Laws from Queen's University at Kingston, Canada, and a Ph.D. from the University of British Columbia. He is the author of numerous academic publications including Global Health Governance: International Law and Public Health in a Divided World (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005).

This volume, an updated collection of essays presented by leading scholars at a Hofstra University conference on group defamation, provides a cross-disciplinary examination of hate speech. Beginning with the decision of the U.S. Supreme Court in R.A.V. v. St. Paul, the volume analyzes the problem from historical, anthropological, comparative-legal, and American constitutional law perspectives. Among the topics examined are the role of hate speech in the persecutions of Jews and Asians during World War II, in the subordination of Blacks, Native Americans, and women, and the pros and cons of the legal controls on hate speech adopted in such countries as Australia, Canada, and Israel. The section on American constitutional law features several proposed statutes outlawing hate speech, along with model court opinions supporting and attacking their constitutionality. The volume will be of great interest to scholars and students in the areas of intergroup relations and constitutional law as well as policy makers.

The horror of war and its profound impact on children are presented dramatically in the DEGREESIEncyclopedia of Youth and War. DEGREESR This unique encyclopedia offers behind-the-scenes accounts of how young people were both victims of and participants in wars of the 20th century and before.

Not many people realize it, but the world is coming apart-and it's probably not going to get better anytime soon. Terrorism, natural disasters, economic collapses, riots, and civil unrest continue to spread throughout cities, states, and nations. It's more important than ever to prepare to survive such events.

David Browne, a Vietnam veteran who was assigned to the CIA and flew out of Udorn Thailand along the Ho Chi Minh trail with Air America, relies on his experiences during the war and after to help you survive the tough times ahead. As the former operator of Pioneer Survival School, he has lived "off the grid" with his family for twelve years, and he's an expert on survival.

This guidebook to family preparedness can teach you how to survive riots and civil unrest; decide when to ignore governmental orders; plan an escape from the city where you live; and protect your family even when you don't have guns.

You'll also learn what foods and other tangible goods to have on hand in order to keep yourself and your loved ones alive. When the going gets tough, this guide can help you to survive this new millennium.

What is the basis for choosing a nonviolent response to conflict and violence? By presenting and analyzing some of the most significant answers that have been given to this question throughout history, this anthology of writings from both Western and nonwestern traditions proposes principled and strategic nonviolence as a realistic alternative. It includes a selection of historical sources on nonviolence--ranging from the Bhagavad-Gita to the Bible--as well as a wide range of writings by authors such as Gandhi, Martin Luther King, Jr., and Nelson Mandela, who have contributed to both the theory and the practice of nonviolence. Besides tracing the historical development of the concept, this volume also suggests ways of applying nonviolence to our everyday lives in the first decade of the 21st century, which the United Nations General Assembly has declared to be the Decade for Education for a Culture of Peace and Nonviolence.

This edited volume examines the implications for international development actors of new kinds of terrorism taking place in civil conflicts. The threat from terrorism and violent extremism has never been greater - at least in the global South where the vast majority of violent extremist attacks take place. Some of the most violent extremist groups are also parties to civil conflicts in regions such as the Middle East and the Horn of Africa. But are these groups - especially the violent Islamists which constitute the greatest current threat - qualitatively different from other conflict actors? If they are, what are the implications for development practitioners working in war zones and fragile or poverty-afflicted countries? This study aims to answer these questions through a combination of theoretical enquiry and the investigation of three case studies - Kenya, Nigeria, and Iraq/Syria. It aims to illuminate the differences between violent Islamists and other types of conflict actor, to identify the challenges these groups pose to development practice, and to propose a way forward for meeting these challenges.

Traditional "schools" of crime prevention, like the criminal justice model, social crime prevention or situational crime prevention, have proved to be too narrow and do not combine well with other approaches. However, each of these models provides important insights and contributions for reducing crime. By extracting the main preventive mechanisms of these diverse approaches, this book develops a more holistic, general model that consists of nine preventive mechanisms: building normative barriers to crime, reducing recruitment, deterrence, disruption, incapacitation, protecting vulnerable targets, reducing benefits of crime, reducing harm, and facilitating desistance. The measures to activate the preventive mechanisms may differ according to the type of crime, as may the actors in charge of implementing the relevant measures. However, Tore Bjorgo demonstrates how his model of crime prevention can be effectively applied to diverse forms of crime, from domestic burglaries to criminal youth gangs and driving under the influence to organized crime and terrorism. In doing so, this important book will be of interest to scholars and students of policing, security studies and criminology, as well as practitioners and policy-makers.

It is widely recognized that American culture is both exceptionally religious and exceptionally violent. Americans participate in religious communities in high numbers, yet American citizens also own guns at rates far beyond those of citizens in other industrialized nations. Since 9/11, United States scholars have understandably discussed religious violence in terms of terrorist acts, a focus that follows United States policy. Yet, according to Jon Pahl, to identify religious violence only with terrorism fails to address the long history of American violence rooted in religion throughout the country's history. In essence, Americans have found ways to consider blessed some very brutal attitudes and behaviors both domestically and globally.

In Empire of Sacrifice, Pahl explains how both of these distinctive features of American culture work together by exploring how constructions along the lines of age, race, and gender have operated to centralize cultural power across American civil or cultural religions in ways that don't always appear to be "religious" at all. Pahl traces the development of these forms of systemic violence throughout American history, using evidence from popular culture, including movies such as Rebel without a Cause and Reefer Madness and works of literature such as The Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass and The Handmaid's Tale, to illuminate historical events. Throughout, Pahl focuses an intense light on the complex and durable interactions between religion and violence in American history, from Puritan Boston to George W. Bush's Baghdad.

Violent Becomings conceptualizes the Mozambican state not as the bureaucratically ordered polity of the nation-state, but as a continuously emergent and violently challenged mode of ordering. In doing so, this book addresses the question of why colonial and postcolonial state formation has involved violent articulations with so-called 'traditional' forms of sociality. The scope and dynamic nature of such violent becomings is explored through an array of contexts that include colonial regimes of forced labor and pacification, liberation war struggles and civil war, the social engineering of the post-independence state, and the popular appropriation of sovereign violence in riots and lynchings.

This book focuses on the problem of ethnic conflict in Africa and seeks to explain its root causes. The main thesis of the book is that ethnic political mobilization is essentially a function of deeply-felt grievances on the part of the groups so mobilized.

This book investigates the forms that the aggression and violence of peasant elites could take in early modern Fennoscandia, and their role within society. The contributors highlight the social stratification, inner divisions, contradictions and conflicts of the peasant communities, but also pay attention to the elite as leaders of resistance against the authorities. With the formation of more centralised states, the elites' status and room for agency diminished, but regional and temporal variations were great in this relatively drawn-out process, and there still remained several favourable contexts for their agency. Even though the peasant elite was not a homogenous entity, the chapters in this collection present us one uniting feature - the peasant elites' tendency to assert themselves with an active and aggressive agency, even if this led to very different outcomes.

The construction of Africa as the other has meant that factors commonly used to explain war elsewhere have been neglected in SubSaharan Africa. The political power struggle which evolved around the state is at the forefront of the analysis of civil war and societal conflict. This text argues that African civil wars arise from political struggle rather than ethnic conflict. It aims to offer new perspectives on conflicts in Rawanda, Congo-Brazzaville, Liberia, Mozambique, Sierra Leone and Somalia. Taking a multidiscipliniary approach, the book examines these situations from political, philisophical, cultural, economic, historical, regional and international perspectives.