Written at a time when violence has many faces and goes by many names, this collection is proof that philosophy can remain a vital partner in the twin tasks of diagnosis and action. Emerging across specters of genocide, racism, oppression, terror, poverty, or war, the threat of violence is not only concrete and urgent, but all too often throws the work of critical reflection into vulnerable paralysis. With essays by some of today's finest scholars, these pages breathe new life into the hard work of intellectual engagement. Philosophers such as Peg Birmingham, Robert Bernasconi, and Bernhard Waldenfels not only feel the distinct burden of our age but, with unflagging attention to the philosophical tradition, forge a pronounced counterweight to the violent gyre of today. The result is a stirring critique that looks outward upon the phenomena of injustice, and inward upon the instruments and assumptions of philosophical discourse itself.

"Accumulating Insecurity" examines the relationship between two vitally important contemporary phenomena: a fixation on security that justifies global military engagements and the militarization of civilian life, and the dramatic increase in day-to-day insecurity associated with contemporary crises in health care, housing, incarceration, personal debt, and unemployment.

Contributors to the volume explore how violence is used to maintain conditions for accumulating capital. Across world regions violence is manifested in the increasingly strained, often terrifying, circumstances in which people struggle to socially reproduce themselves. Security is often sought through armaments and containment, which can lead to the impoverishment rather than the nourishment of laboring bodies. Under increasingly precarious conditions, governments oversee the movements of people, rather than scrutinize and regulate the highly volatile movements of capital. They often do so through practices that condone dispossession in the name of economic and political security.

In this book, Charles Bellinger draws on the thought of Søren Kierkegaard and Rene Girard in search of a Christian understanding of the roots of violence. Utilizing Kierkegaard's idea of sin as the evasion of the call to become oneself before God, he argues that the basic motive that impels human beings toward acts of violence is a refusal to grow spiritually. He finds congruencies between Kierkegaard's concept and the Girardian theory of mimetic desire and scapegoating. From these two sources he creates a model which he applies to a consideration of the problem of violent acts committed by Christians throughout history. Such episodes as the Crusades and the Inquisition, says Bellinger, reveal the failure of ostensible Christians to live in accordance with the insights of biblical revelation.

The United States has uncritically exported its law and policy on gender violence without regard to effectiveness or cultural context, and without asking what we might learn from efforts to combat gender violence in the rest of the world. This book asks that question. Comparative Perspectives on Gender Violence: Lessons From Efforts Worldwide documents the global scope of gender violence, from countries where the legal response is just emerging to countries with longstanding law and policy regimes. Informed by international human rights law, Comparative Perspectives on Gender Violence examines policy successes and failures and grassroots efforts to elicit a robust and proactive response from China to Chile. From the work of local activists to stem the tide of sexual and intimate partner violence after the Haitian earthquake of 2005, to the efforts to eradicate dowry-related violence in India, to the public education campaigns to prevent domestic violence in Scotland, Comparative Perspectives on Gender Violence offers a comprehensive vision of efforts around the world to eradicate gender based violence. Featuring the work of leading gender violence academics and activists around the world, Comparative Perspectives on Gender Violence provides a new lens through which to consider U.S. efforts to address gender violence.

The percentage of women aged 15-49 in Egypt who have undergone the procedure of female circumcision, or genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C) stands at 91%, according to the latest research carried out by UNICEF. Female circumcision has become a global political minefield with 'Western' interventions affecting Egyptian politics and social development, not least in the area of democracy and human rights. Maria Frederika Malmstrom employs an ethnographic approach to this controversial issue, with the aim of understanding how female gender identity is continually created and re-created in Egypt through a number of daily practices, and the central role which female circumcision plays in this process. Viewing the concept of 'agency' as critical to the examination of social and cultural trends in the region, Malmstrom explores the lived experiences and social meanings of circumcision and femininity as narrated by women from Cairo. It is through the examination of the voices of these women that she offers an analysis of gender identity in Egypt and its impact on women's sexuality.

This book provides a unique analysis of prisons and the violence at work inside them. It not only addresses aspects such as racial discrimination, especially in US prisons, but also gender differences, specific criminal groups operating within prisons, the reintegration processes and its failures. Combining works by various authors, it presents diverse perspectives on prison violence: in countries ranging from the USA to Australia, crossing European countries such as Portugal and Spain, among others, but also specific aspects such as prohibitions on phone calls, the economic crisis, and the current challenges of mass incarceration. As such, it offers a broad overview of several problems relevant to all scholars interested in deepening their understanding of violence in prisons.

"The Myth of Media Violence: A Critical Introduction" assesses the current and historical debates over violence in film, television, and video games; extends the conversation beyond simple condemnation or support; and addresses a diverse range of issues and influences.
Looks at the chronology of contemporary media violence, and explores reservations over communications medias throughout history.
Examines the forces behind the encouraged anxieties about media violence.
Uses examples drawn from a range of media, including disaster and horror movies, science fiction, film tie-in toys, crime shows, MTV, news, sports, and children's television programming, books and video games.
Includes a closing chapter about why media violence exists as it does in our culture, and what we can do about it.

In the years after the First World War both Ulster and Upper Silesia saw violent conflicts over self-determination. The violence in Upper Silesia was more intense both in the numbers killed and in the forms it took. Acts of violation such as rape or mutilation were noticeably more common in Upper Silesia than in Ulster.
Examining the nature of communal boundaries, Timothy Wilson explains the profound contrasts in these experiences of plebeian violence. In Ulster the rival communities were divided by religion, but shared a common language. In Upper Silesia, the rival sides were united in religion-92 per cent of the local population being Catholic-but ostensibly divided on linguistic grounds between German and Polish speakers. In practice, language in Upper Silesia proved a far more porous boundary than did religion in Ulster. Language could not always be taken as a straightforward indication of national loyalties.
At a local level, boundaries mattered because without them there could not be any sense of security. In Ulster, where communal identities were already clearly staked out, militants tended to concentrate on the limited task of boundary maintenance. In Upper Silesia, where national identities were so unclear, they focused upon boundary creation. This was a task that required more "transgressive" violence. Hence atrocity was more widely practised in Upper Silesia because it could, and did, act as a polarizing force.

The objective of this book is to quantify the social costs of gun violence in order to help policy makers determine how many and which violence programmes to support. Drawing upon the most detailed and extensive economic study of the cost of gun violence, Cook and Ludwig provide detailed information about how the burden of gun violence is distributed in the US. Drawing upon this data, the book draws out the important implications for public policy. The burden of gun violence in America is valued at about $100 billion annually, and this heavy cost is distributed much more evenly over the population than the victimization statistics would suggest. Cook and Ludwig's examination of these costs lead them to propose a multifaceted policy agenda that includes both law enforcement and gun control measures.

This volume presents an innovative new analytical framework for understanding the dynamics of violent conflict and its impact on people and communities living in contexts of violence. Bringing together the findings of MICROCON, an influential five year research programme funded by the European Commission, this book provides readers with the most current and comprehensive evidence available on violent conflict from a micro-level perspective. MICROCON was the largest programme on conflict analysis in Europe from 2007-2011, and its policy outreach has helped to influence EU development policy, and supported policy capacity in many conflict-affected countries. Whilst traditional studies into conflict have been through an international /regional lens with the state as the primary unit of analysis, the micro-level perspective offered by this volume places the individuals, households, groups and communities affected by conflict at the centre of analysis. Studying how people behave in groups and communities; and how they interact with the formal and informal institutions that manage local tensions, is crucial to understanding the conflict cycle. These micro-foundations therefore provide a more in-depth analysis of the causes and consequences of violent conflict. By challenging the ways we think about conflict, this book bridges the gap in evidence, allowing for more specific and accurate policy interventions for conflict resolution and development processes to help reduce poverty in the lives of those affected by conflict. This volume is divided into four parts. Part I introduces the conceptual framework of MICROCON. Part II focuses on individual and group motivations in conflict processes. Part III highlights the micro-level consequences of violent conflict. The final section of this volume focuses on policy implications and future research agenda.

Preventing School Violence: A Self-Assessment Approach provides readers with a research-based risk-management model designed to prevent school shootings. The self-assessment tool is adapted from a protocol developed by Tom McWeeney, which has been used to assess the readiness of FBI field offices to prevent terrorist attacks in the USA. Through extensive research, real-world application, and collaboration with Dale Watson, the former assistant director of the FBI, and Professor McWeeney, author Mark Harrington has modified this method with the express goal of reducing instances of school violence. Opening chapters share Dr. Harrington's experiences in the field and introduce the self-assessment tool. They underscore the importance for schools and organizations to be well prepared to respond not only to high-risk/high-consequence situations but also low-risk/high-consequence situations. The book shares key data from FBI reports regarding pre-attack behaviors of active shooters. Additional chapters outline the attributes of a successful self-assessment program and how to reimagine and rework security measures, including law enforcement/security presence, exercises and drills, surveillance, and more. The text walks readers through the criteria for an effective self-assessment approach: intelligence, mental health services, administrative support, training, and crisis plan considerations. They learn how gangs in schools and neighborhood ties can influence safety and security on school campuses. Throughout, true stories from the field demonstrate the need for the model and its application, and statistics, charts, and graphs provide necessary research to bolster action and understanding.

This is the first in-depth study of Sharpeville, the South African township that was the site of the infamous police massacre of March 21, 1960, the event that prompted the United Nations to declare apartheid a "crime against humanity."

Voices of Sharpeville brings to life the destruction of Sharpeville’s predecessor, Top Location, and the careful planning of its isolated and carceral design by apartheid architects. A unique set of eyewitness testimonies from Sharpeville’s inhabitants reveals how they coped with apartheid and why they rose up to protest this system, narrating this massacre for the first time in the words of the participants themselves. Previously understood only through the iconic photos of fleeing protestors and dead bodies, the timeline is reconstructed using an extensive archive of new documentary and oral sources including unused police records, personal interviews with survivors and their families, and maps and family photos. By identifying nearly all the victims, many omitted from earlier accounts, the authors upend the official narrative of the massacre.

Amid worldwide struggles against racial discrimination and efforts to give voices to protestors and victims of state violence, this book provides a deeper understanding of this pivotal event for a newly engaged international audience.

'Get your daughters to read this, but only after your partners and sons have finished it' Jo Brand 'An astute and persuasive page-turner' Observer _____________________________________________________ Too often, we blame women. For walking home alone at night. For not demanding a seat at the table. For not overcoming the odds that are stacked against them. This distracts us from the real problem: the failings and biases of a society that was not built for women. In this explosive book, feminist writer and activist Laura Bates exposes the systemic prejudice at the heart of five of our key institutions. Education Politics Media Policing Criminal justice Combining stories with shocking evidence, Fix the System, Not the Women is a blazing examination of sexual injustice and a rallying cry for reform. ________________________________________________ 'Powerful' Sunday Times 'I am in awe of Laura Bates . . . her writing is nothing short of perfect' Sofie Hagen, author of Happy Fat 'A blistering manifesto for change' Dr Pragya Agarwal 'Finish the book furious - before rallying for the next fight' Grazia Latest Must-Reads

Countries recovering from conflicts face economic and institutional devastation - of vital infrastructure such as schools, factories, communication networks, roads, railways, and water systems, as well as diminished human resources, a very weak legal structure and governmental institutions. In this context, policymakers are faced with the task of creating an integrated and comprehensive approach to post-conflict reconstruction with a view to sustainable economic development, political stability and peace consolidation. This volume critically examines the various approaches to encouraging and regulating foreign investment in post-conflict countries. From the perspectives of both the foreign investor and the host country, it suggests how policymakers in post-conflict countries can design a foreign investment strategy that brings real and meaningful economic development as part of the wider peace-building process. FDI in post-conflict countries is discussed from different methodological perspectives, including comparative law and comparative politics, based on case studies of Afghanistan, Rwanda, DRC, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Colombia, Angola and Mozambique. _______________________________ *Virtus C. Igbokwe was an in-house counsel at Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria Limited, Port Harcourt in the early 90s. He obtained his LL.B from the University of Benin, Nigeria; LL.M from the University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada and a PhD in foreign investment arbitration from Osgoode Hall Law School of York University, Toronto, Canada. His research and writing interests are foreign investment arbitration, alternative dispute resolution and international business transactions. He is widely published in these areas. He is a member of Nigeria and Ontario Bars. *Nicholas Turner is Academic Programme Associate in the United Nations University's Institute for Sustainability and Peace in Tokyo. He holds an MA in international relations from the University of Kent in the UK, and previously worked for local government and charities there, as well as for Qinetiq Ltd on a Defence Training Review for the UK Armed Forces. He lectures at Aoyama Gakuin University and Hosei University in Tokyo, Japan. His research interests lie in human rights and ethics, focusing on just war theory, the responsibility to protect, and non-state actors in military conflict - including private military companies. His publications include World Religions and Norms of War (co-edited with Gregory M. Reichberg and Vesselin Popovski, United Nations University Press, 2009). *Obijiofor Aginam is Academic Programme Officer and Director of Studies in the United Nations University's Institute for Sustainability and Peace in Tokyo. Before joining the United Nations, he was a tenured Associate Professor of Law at Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada. In 1999-2001, he was Global Health Leadership Fellow and Legal Officer at the World Health Organization headquarters, Geneva. Dr. Aginam has held numerous research fellowships including the Social Science Research Council (SSRC) of New York Fellow on Global Security and Cooperation, and Fellow of the 21st Century Trust, U.K. He has been a visiting professor at universities in Costa Rica, Italy, South Africa, and Nigeria, and a recipient of the competitive research grant of the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) of Canada. He holds law degrees from Nigeria, Master of Laws from Queen's University at Kingston, Canada, and a Ph.D. from the University of British Columbia. He is the author of numerous academic publications including Global Health Governance: International Law and Public Health in a Divided World (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005).

This volume, an updated collection of essays presented by leading scholars at a Hofstra University conference on group defamation, provides a cross-disciplinary examination of hate speech. Beginning with the decision of the U.S. Supreme Court in R.A.V. v. St. Paul, the volume analyzes the problem from historical, anthropological, comparative-legal, and American constitutional law perspectives. Among the topics examined are the role of hate speech in the persecutions of Jews and Asians during World War II, in the subordination of Blacks, Native Americans, and women, and the pros and cons of the legal controls on hate speech adopted in such countries as Australia, Canada, and Israel. The section on American constitutional law features several proposed statutes outlawing hate speech, along with model court opinions supporting and attacking their constitutionality. The volume will be of great interest to scholars and students in the areas of intergroup relations and constitutional law as well as policy makers.

Many judgments regarding what is good or bad, possible or impossible, rely upon unspoken assumptions or frameworks which are used to view and evaluate events and actions. Philosophers uncover these hidden aspects of thoughts and judgments, scrutinizing them for soundness, validity, and fairness. These assumptions and frameworks permeate the topics of violence, nonviolence, war, conflict, and reconciliation; and these assumptions influence how we address these problems and issues. The papers in this volume explore what kind of assumptions and frameworks would be needed in order for people to see nonviolence as a sensible approach to contemporary problems. Topics include conceptions of positive peace, nonviolence and international structures, and perspectives on peace education. Contributors are Elizabeth N. Agnew, Andrew Fitz-Gibbon, William C. Gay, Ronald J. Glossop, Ian M. Harris, John Kultgen, Joseph C. Kunkel, Douglas Lewis, Danielle Poe and Harry van der Linden.

Not many people realize it, but the world is coming apart-and it's probably not going to get better anytime soon. Terrorism, natural disasters, economic collapses, riots, and civil unrest continue to spread throughout cities, states, and nations. It's more important than ever to prepare to survive such events.

David Browne, a Vietnam veteran who was assigned to the CIA and flew out of Udorn Thailand along the Ho Chi Minh trail with Air America, relies on his experiences during the war and after to help you survive the tough times ahead. As the former operator of Pioneer Survival School, he has lived "off the grid" with his family for twelve years, and he's an expert on survival.

This guidebook to family preparedness can teach you how to survive riots and civil unrest; decide when to ignore governmental orders; plan an escape from the city where you live; and protect your family even when you don't have guns.

You'll also learn what foods and other tangible goods to have on hand in order to keep yourself and your loved ones alive. When the going gets tough, this guide can help you to survive this new millennium.

The horror of war and its profound impact on children are presented dramatically in the DEGREESIEncyclopedia of Youth and War. DEGREESR This unique encyclopedia offers behind-the-scenes accounts of how young people were both victims of and participants in wars of the 20th century and before.

This book, based on field research in the West African country of The Gambia, explores how domestic gun control is shaped by international efforts and how local actors interact with international organizations or opt not to do so. The book also shows how the question of who can have what kind of gun under what circumstances is an intrinsic question to modern societies across the world, but it is seldom one that is addressed in sub-Saharan Africa except in cases of post-conflict countries. Small arms control and gun control are often treated as separate efforts, with the former the domain of international actors such as the United Nations and the latter being of concern to the domestic politics of countries such as the United States. By focusing on a country that has never seen the outbreak of a civil war, the book is able to disentangle the complex roots of gun control in Africa, its origins in colonial era legislation, its reverberations across social life, and how it shapes contemporary understandings of groups ranging for security guards to hunters.

The Roots of Violent Crime in America is criminologist Barry Latzer's comprehensive analysis of crimes of violence-including murder, assault, and rape-in the United States from the 1880s through the 1930s. Combining the theoretical perspectives and methodological rigor of criminology with a synthesis of historical scholarship as well as original research and analysis, Latzer challenges conventional thinking about violent crime of this era. While scholars have traditionally cast American cities in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as dreadful places, Latzer suggests that despite overcrowding and poverty, U.S. cities enjoyed low rates of violent crime, especially when compared to rural areas. The rural South and the thinly populated West both suffered much higher levels of brutal crime than the metropolises of the East and Midwest. Latzer deemphasizes racism and bigotry as causes of violence during this period, noting that while many social groups confronted significant levels of discrimination and abuse, only some engaged in high levels of violent crime. Cultural predispositions and subcultures of violence, he posits, led some groups to participate more frequently in violent activity than others. He also argues that the prohibition on alcohol in the 1920s did not drive up rates of violent crime. Though the bootlegger wars contributed considerably to the murder rate in some of America's largest municipalities, Prohibition also eliminated saloons, which served as hubs of vice, corruption, and lawlessness. The Roots of Violent Crime in America stands as a sweeping reevaluation of the causes of crimes of violence in the United States between the Gilded Age and World War II, compelling readers to rethink enduring assumptions on this contentious topic.