"The editors. . . whose work also appears, have presented us with a valuable resource for years to come."
--"Peace News"

"The strength of "The Women and War Reader" lies in its both interdisciplinary and geographically diverse approach. It confronts the devastating impact of wartime violence and militarized societies on women."
--"Iris"

War affects women in profoundly different ways than men. Women play many roles during wartime: they are "gendered" as mothers, as soldiers, as munitions makers, as caretakers, as sex workers. How is it that womanhood in the context of war may mean, for one woman, tearfully sending her son off to war, and for another, engaging in civil disobedience against the state? Why do we think of war as "men's business" when women are more likely to be killed in war and to become war refugees than men?

The Women and War Reader brings together the work of the foremost scholars on women and war to address questions of ethnicity, citizenship, women's agency, policy making, women and the war complex, peacemaking, and aspects of motherhood. Moving beyond simplistic gender dichotomies, the volume leaves behind outdated arguments about militarist men and pacifist women while still recognizing that there are patterns of difference in men's and women's relationships to war.

The Women and War Reader challenges essentialist, class-based, and ethnocentric analysis. A comprehensive volume covering such regions as the former Yugoslavia, Northern Ireland, Israel and Palestine, Iran, Nicaragua, Chiapas, South Africa, Afghanistan, Sri Lanka, South Korea, and India, it will provide a much-needed resource. The volume includes the work of over 35 contributors, including Cynthia Enloe, Sara Ruddick, V. Spike Peterson, Betty Reardon, April Carter, Leila J. Rupp, Harriet Hyman Alonso, Francine D'Amico, Nancy Scheper-Hughes, and Carolyn Nordstrom.

Surveillance, privacy and public trust form a burgeoning presence within debates surrounding technological developments, particularly in the current 'war on terror' environment. Social, economic and political issues are invoked in collecting, categorizing, scrutinizing and mobilizing information on the everyday activities of the population. These are implicated in new legislative developments, ways of conceptualizing society and a growth in the industry of protest. However, what do we know about the day to day detail of these developments? This book situates these issues in a detailed study of CCTV to offer a timely, robust and incisive contribution to knowledge.

In September 2018, Collan Rex, former water polo coach at Parktown Boys High, was found guilty of 144 charges of sexual assault and sentenced to 23 years in prison. He had molested and choked a boarding house full of school boys into silence and shame, leaving behind a trail of broken lives. His response in court? It'd been done to him, in the same way, at the same school.

Now the victims, the parents and the abuser tell their stories.

Combating Hatred for the Soul of America: Watershed Moments for Transformational Educators raises important questions concerning the survival of our American democracy and the roles that educators can play in saving it. The January 6th Capitol riots brought to the surface deep-seated hatreds and cultural divisions that threaten our very soul as a nation. This book presents specific examples of hatred based on racism and social injustices found at both the national and local levels. It also describes specific actions taken by educators to combat such hatred. In doing this these educators actually became transformational leaders.

Alarming news reports point to an almost incomprehensible problem of violence in America. Understanding this problem requires timely and accurate information about the magnitude and scope of violence, the effect of violence on our society, and society's perceptions of violence. "Statistical Handbook on Violence in America" is the authoritative source of data gathered from widely scattered sources, both published and unpublished, and assembled in a single volume for accurate and efficient access. Featuring 377 tables and figures, this volume reveals data on victims and offenders, as well as the association of violence with: the home, health care, individual attitudes, the workplace, the economy, and public policy issues.

Africa is known as a continent of conflict. Entire regions have been caught up in violent conflicts that have sometimes resulted in state collapse. Yet during its nearly four decades of independence, West Africa has known comparatively little violent conflict and has had diverse experiences in managing the conflicts of demand-bearing groups.

As this book demonstrates, governance is conflict management. Governments are needed to handle the conflicting demands posed by groups in society and to reduce the conflicts that arise among the groups themselves. Unmanaged, these conflicts can escalate into violence; but managed, they give governments choice and direction, as well as energies to carry out essential programs.

The authors examine the efforts of Cote d'Ivoire, Ghana, and Nigeria to manage their conflicts and evaluate the prospects of the three nations for effective regimes for managing conflicts in the future. By suggesting explanations for their past successes and failures, this study of West Africa contributes to an understanding of governance and conflict management. The lessons are far-reaching and applicable well beyond the African continent.

In addition to the editor, the contributors are Tessy D. Bakary, Laval University, Quebec; A. Adu Boahen, University of Ghana at Legon; Alex Gboyega, University of Ibadan, Nigeria; and Donald Rothchild, professor of political science at the University of California, Davis.

'Lyrical and uncompromising - Suhaiymah writes to disrupt' - gal-dem Islamophobia is everywhere. It is a narrative and history woven so deeply into our everyday lives that we don't even notice it - in our education, how we travel, our healthcare, legal system and at work. Behind the scenes it affects the most vulnerable, at the border and in prisons. Despite this, the conversation about Islamophobia is relegated to microaggressions and slurs. Suhaiymah Manzoor-Khan reveals how Islamophobia not only lives under the skin of those who it marks, but is an international political project designed to divide people in the name of security, in order to materially benefit global stakeholders. It can only be truly uprooted when we focus not on what it is but what it does. Tangled in Terror shows that until the most marginalised Muslims are safe, nobody is safe.

Federal restrictions on the sale and possession of some firearms were introduced during Prohibition when illegal rumrunners battling for territorial rights commonly used machine guns to destroy the opposition. More sweeping legislation was not passed until 1968, and from that time on the struggle has been between pro- and anti-control forces, with more controls created at state and local levels than at the federal level. However, the mood in Washington has turned, and the question now is how the country can be weaned away from the violence that pervades every aspect of living, from lawlessness to literature, entertainment, and even children's toys. This book traces the history of these gun control measures from the early days to our own violent age.

This is a study of a part of American history that deals not just with gun control as such, but with basic concepts of personal liberty, government responsibility, and the fear of tyranny. All three of these influenced the people who took up arms in the American Revolution and who, for decades afterward, resisted every effort of the central government to substitute a standing army for the armed militia of the states. As the nation grew in size and population, the need for a standing army became apparent, and the nature of the militia changed from that of a purely state organization to an adjunct of the regular army. Still, the view that private individuals were entitled to purchase and keep firearms for their personal use persisted. That this was not a constitutional right was made clear by the Supreme Court in a series of cases beginning as early as 1876.

Federal restrictions on the sale and possession of some firearms were introduced during Prohibition when illegal rumrunners battling for territorial rights commonly used machine guns to destroy the opposition. More sweeping legislation was not passed until 1968, and from that time on the struggle has been between pro- and anti-control forces, with more controls created at state and local levels than at the federal level. However, the mood in Washington has turned, and the question now is how the country can be weaned from the violence that pervades every aspect of living, from lawlessness to literature, entertainment, and even children's toys.

Domestic violence in adolescent romantic relationships is an increasingly important and only recently acknowledged social issue. This book provides conceptual frameworks for the design and evaluation of interventions with a focus on developing evidence based practice, as well as a research, practice and policy agenda for consideration.

The relationship between new religious movements (NRMs) and violence has long been a topic of intense public interest--an interest heavily fueled by multiple incidents of mass violence involving certain groups. Some of these incidents have made international headlines. When New Religious Movements make the news, it's usually because of some violent episode. Some of the most famous NRMs are known much more for the violent way they came to an end than for anything else. Violence and New Religious Movements offers a comprehensive examination of violence by-and against-new religious movements. The book begins with theoretical essays on the relationship between violence and NRMs and then moves on to examine particular groups. There are essays on the "Big Five"--the most well-known cases of violent incidents involving NRMs: Jonestown, Waco, Solar Temple, the Aum Shunrikyo subway attack, and the Heaven's Gate suicides. But the book also provides a richer survey by examining a host of lesser-known groups. This volume is the culmination of decades of research by scholars of New Religious Movements.

This collection adopts an interdisciplinary approach in order to understand the various factors at work in genocidal processes and their aftermath. The strong emphasis on legal norms, legal concepts and legal measures in other studies fails to consider further significant issues in relation to genocide. This book aims to redress this balance exploring social dynamics and human behaviour as well as the interplay of various psychological, political, sociological, anthropological and historical factors at work in genocidal processes.With contributions from top international scholars, this volume provides an integrated perspective on risk and resilience, acknowledging the importance of mitigating factors in understanding and preventing genocide. It explores a range of issues including the conceptual definition of genocide, the notion of intent, preventive measures, transitional justice, the importance of property, the role of memory, self or national interest and principles of social existence.Genocide, Risk and Resilience aims to cross conceptual, disciplinary and temporal boundaries and in doing so, provides rich insights for scholars from across political science, history, law, philosophy, anthropology and theology.

The culture of twenty-first century America largely revolves around narcissistic death, violence, and visions of doom. As people are bombarded with amoral metanarratives that display an almost complete lack of empathy for others on television, in films, and on the internet, their insatiable appetite for excessive pain and routine death reflects an embrace of an endlessly warring culture. Foster explores this culture of the apocalypse, from hoarding and gluttony to visions of the post-apocalyptic world.

At the heart of the field of Genocide Studies lies an active core of vigorous debate that has led to both heated disagreements and productive disputes. This new volume in the Genocide: A Critical Bibliographic Review series focuses on these, as well as other significant issues. Chapters in this volume focus on a number of issues: Did Peru's Ache suffer genocide? What was the role of media propaganda in the Rwandan Genocide, and what more, if anything, could have been done about it? Have Rwanda's post-genocide gacaca courts successfully promoted reconciliation? How has denial affected governmental recognition around the world of the Armenian, Hellenic, and Assyrian genocides? Why have some left-wing "progressives" engaged in denial of the Rwandan Genocide? Has anti-genocide activism had a meaningful effect in prevention of or intervention against genocide? In the pages of this book, readers can explore the various debates that have defined the study of genocide and that are redefining it today. This insightful and provocative volume will entice further discussion on the concept of genocide and will be a must-read for the field of genocide studies.

The question of sectarianism in Scotland belongs within a wider framework than it has hitherto been placed. It offers insights into continuing, indeed pressing, debates about religious identity and civil and political society in the modern world. This book questions the view that religion and politics do not, and cannot, mix in pluralistic, tolerant and increasingly secular societies, and reveals that memories--bitter memories--can outlive and obscure the demise of actual conflict.

The state monopoly of force has increasingly been challenged by non-state actors, seemingly resulting in a loss of control and resources needed to guarantee security. Yet, non-state actors are not only a cause of problems; they can also contribute to guarantee security. The contributors examine the role of non-state actors in the governance of violence and crime. Current research on non-state actors in security points to the fact that the state monopoly of force has increasingly been challenged, seemingly resulting in a loss of control and resources. In contrast, this volume shows how non-state actors are involved in supporting governmental aims, what they contribute and where the limits are or should be. It demonstrates that even in a core area of the state, transnational governance is possible through the activities of a diverse group of actors, including warlords, rebel groups, criminals, non-governmental organizations and businesses.

Psychologists have done a great deal of research on the effects of trauma on the individual, revealing the paradox that violent experiences are often secreted away beyond easy accessibility, becoming impossible to verbalize explicitly. However, comparatively little research has been done on the transgenerational effects of trauma and the means by which experiences are transmitted from person to person across time to become intrinsic parts of the social fabric. With eight contributions covering Africa, Central and South America, China, Europe, and the Middle East, this volume sheds new light on the role of memory in constructing popular histories - or historiographies - of violence in the absence of, or in contradistinction to, authoritative written histories. It brings new ethnographic data to light and presents a truly cross-cultural range of case studies that will greatly enhance the discussion of memory and violence across disciplines.

This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open Access programme and is available on www.bloomsburycollections.com. How should we understand home-grown terrorism like the 7/7 London bombings? This is a classic monograph focusing on recent British attempts to 'prevent violent extremism', their problems and limitations, and what lessons this can offer for more effective policy approaches in future. Paul Thomas's extensive research suggests that the Prevent policy approaches, and the wider CONTEST counter-terrorism strategy, have been misguided and ineffective, further alienating British Muslim communities instead of supporting longer-term integration. He argues that new, cohesion-based approaches encouraging greater trust and integration across all communities represent the best defence against terrorism.

Medellin, Colombia, used to be the most violent city on earth, but in recent years, allegedly thanks to its 'social urbanism' approach to regeneration, it has experienced a sharp decline in violence. The author explores the politics behind this decline and the complex transformations in terms of urban development policies in Medellin.

Sociological theory has veered between an insistence on understanding human rights as a genuine universal morality and far more cynical portrayals of human rights as a veil of bourgeois capitalist enterprise. This book criticizes, adapts and combines seemingly disparate elements of contemporary sociological theory within a new approach to human rights. The practicality of the approach is clearly demonstrated in its application to one of the most important, complex and vexing locations of human rights violation in the world: modern Turkey. While sociological analyses of Turkey have largely been limited to local perspectives on individual issues of human rights violation, this book expands sociological understanding of the broad swath of Turkey's human rights violations into a new global perspective of hope and resolution.

Paddock has referred to societies as "anti-violent" that Inhibit the expressIon of aggresSion. In his book Violence and Aggression, KE. Moyer nas made a brief but interesting comparison of several violent and nonviolent cultures. Whereas studies of violence have ranged from genetic, cultural to Situation effects, and have been pursued through empirical and nonempirical methods over the past several decades, nonviolence did not become a favorite area of study among social scientists. Although it is impossible to make a complete list of the various reasons for the lack of interest among social scientists on this subject, it is generally believed that a lack of understanding of the concept and a failure to either develop or apply adequate methods are to Olame. Therefore we are not surprized that nonviolence has remained, by and large, a favorite topic among religious thinkers and leaders only. A good example of how people have difficulty understanding the concept of nonviolence came to me when I delivered a lecture to a group of political science students several years ago. I experienced similar problems when I spoke to the history and political science professors. Subsequent dialogues with faculty members in other disciplines convinced me that our perspectives on nonVIolence were not commonly clear to all of us. or course, most of us did agree on one thing--that Is, there Is a distinct difference separating Eastern from Western views of nonviolence.