The intent of the present work is chiefly the presentation of a running commentary, preponderantly historical in complexion, on the detail of the text of St. Anselm's dialogue De Grammatico. At the same time the making intelligible of that text has demanded the concurrent proffering of logical elucidations. The framework adopted for the latter is the Ontology of S. Lesniewski. The unsuitability of other current systems of logic for the analysis of medieval doctrines has been suggested in HLM I. Hereunder the line of analyses proposed in HDG (an introduc tory study of De Grammatico) will for the most part be maintained, with only a few modifications. Changes which further study might demand would in any case involve not so much an abrogation of the HDG ver sions, but rather certain complications of detail on the lines indicated in HLM, HEE, and Hoi. Readers who happen to be out of sympathy either with modem logic as a whole, or with the Lesniewskian systems in particular, may be assured that the historical thread of the commentary remains for the most part unaffected by issues connected with such logics. Much of the historical material contained in the commentary consists of quotations from the logical works of Boethius. Some of that material may at first sight appear prosaic and tedious."

Michel Serres first book in his 'foundations trilogy' is all about beginnings. The beginning of Rome but also about the beginning of society, knowledge and culture. Rome is an examination of the very foundations upon which contemporary society has been built. With characteristic breadth and lyricism, Serres leads the reader on a journey from a meditation the roots of scientific knowledge to set theory and aesthetics. He explores the themes of violence, murder, sacrifice and hospitality in order to urge us to avoid the repetitive violence of founding. Rome also provides an alternative and creative reading of Livy's Ab urbe condita which sheds light on the problems of history, repetition and imitation. First published in English in 1991, re-translated and introduced in this new edition, Michel Serres' Rome is a contemporary classic which shows us how we came to live the way we do.

This book has two purposes. The first is clearly historical, the second is more philosophical and interpretive. Its success in the former will be less arguable than its attainment of the latter. The contribution to the history of Spanish letters consists in critically establishing the fact that the sources of Fray Luis de Le6n's moral and spiritual thought are Hebraic and that he can be seen to stand as one in a long line of Christian Hebraists, both scholastic and humanist. His philosophical views are cast in an Hebraic tradition, not in an Hellenic one as supposed by nearly every other commentator. I have stressed the presence of a living Hebrew culture in Spain after 1492, and I have suggested that this and the Jewish parentage of Fray Luis are very significant. I have also identified an intellectual debt Fray Luis owed to non-Jewish Orientalists such as Egidio da Viterbo and Girolamo Seripando. But, even they learned from exiled Spaniards. I want to present Fray Luis as a most characteristic thinker in the world of Baroque Spain. I think most will agree with the picture I have outlined. The more audacious aspect is my wish to show the importance of the Jewish heritage as found in the literary and philosophical production of this remarkable genius. It is, of course, my contention that today know ledge about Fray Luis and what he stood for is extraordinarily important."

This book began with my edition of the anonymous treatise. A translation and notes seemed essential if the material of the treatise was to be understood. It then seemed that Chapter 5 of Heytesbury's Rules for Solving Sophismata, on which the treatise was based, should also be included. My translation of the Heytesbury treatise is based on a fifteenth-century edition, supplemented by readings from a few of the better manuscripts. (A critical edition from all the manuscripts, of which Chapter 5 will be mine, is now in progress under the supervision of Paul Spade, but only a few insignificant changes in the translation should be necessitated by the completed edition. ) An examination of related materials seemed reasonable, and these included Heytesbury's commentator Gaetano, as well as a chapter from a treatise by Johannes Venator (in an edition in progress provided by Francesco del Punta). It seemed unnecessary to publish Gaetano's and Venator's related works in this volume, but all their departures from Heytesbury and the anonymous treatise are noted here. I have not examined other works in the tradition in any detail. I owe a great deal to my teacher, Norman Kretzmann, not only as regards the edition and translations, but also as regards the notes, study and introduction. The referees of the typescript (to me unknown) made unusually thorough criticisms and suggestions to which I have paid close attention. The book is far better for my having done so.

This is a book about what people imagine it means to live in a world where private property is dominant, and their fears - and sometimes hopes - about living in a future world where private property has disappeared. In the propertied imagination, private property is a fragile thing, an institution beset by terrifying enemies and racialised and gendered mobs: Levellers and Diggers, socialists and anarchists, fervent religious radicals, abolitionists, feminists, and haughty welfare-state bureaucrats. The history of private property is the history of a recurring nightmare that one or another of these groups would storm the castle and take control. That threatened social chaos is the central unifying story of this book. Private property and the fear of social chaos starts by charting the thinkers who laid the foundations for how we understand private property, including Locke, Burke, Marx and Engels. The book looks at how their ideas have been put into practice in ways that continue to shape the modern world, from Harry Truman's housing policies and the anti-abolitionist George Fitzhugh to Margaret Thatcher and Elon Musk. Arguing that the spectre of 'the mob' has been intimately interconnected with the idea of private property throughout capitalist modernity, the book ambitiously narrates this history from the early colonisation of the Americas to Silicon Valley, and the future of human colonisation in space. -- .

The original idea for a conference on the "shapes of knowledge" dates back over ten years to conversations with the late Charles Schmitt of the Warburg Institute. What happened to the classifications of the sciences between the time of the medieval Studium and that of the French Encyclopedie is a complex and highly abstract question; but posing it is an effective way of mapping and evaluating long term intellectual changes, especially those arising from the impact of humanist scholarship, the new science of the seventeenth century, and attempts to evaluate, to apply, to reconcile, and to institutionalize these rival and interacting traditions. Yet such patterns and transformations cannot be well understood from the heights of the general history of ideas. Within the eneral framework of the organization of knowledge the map must be filled in by particular explorations and soundings, and our project called for a conference that would combine some encyclopedic (as well as interdisciplinary and inter national) breadth with scholarly and technical depth."

de Leyde, duquel aucune revelation, dans le domaine de l'information historique, n'etait a attendre, pour ne s'attacher qu'au premier groupe, a celui qui couvre la periode 1649-1658. Car ces dix annees-Ia corres- pondent a la seconde moitie, et meme davantage (dix annees sur dix- huit) de la longue et facheuse lacune que presente le "manuscrit Sainte-Beuve". Soixante-dix-sept lettres, pour la plupart assez etendues, regulierement reparties sur une periode de dix ans, representent un contenu informatif non negligeable. Et leur valeur s'accroit si l'on songe qu'elles sont presque tout ce qui subsiste, et qui soit actuellement connu, d'une production epistolaire perdue qui dut atteindre, en dix-huit ans (1641-1658), quelque deux mille unites. Pourtant leur interet historique n'est pas l'unique raison quijustifie leur publication, et on va voir que sur ces autographes de Leyde peut enfin s'appuyer une veritable etude litteraire du style epistolaire de Chapelain. Le "manuscrit Sainte-Beuve" a fait l'objet d'une edition, qui a malheureusement du rester partielle: elle a ete etablie par Ph. Tamizey de Larroque, qui a publie son precieux recueil sous les auspices du Ministere de l'Instruction publique 4.

Analysing the events surrounding the death of Diana, Princess of Wales, in 1997, Vic Seidler considers the public outpourings of grief and displays of emotion which prompted new kinds of identification and belonging in which communities came together regardless of race, class, gender and sexuality.

This book has been published to mark the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Erasmus Prize and underline the importance of the four laureates who received the Prize in the jubileum year. Raymon Aron, Isaiah Berlin, Leszek Kolakowski and Marguerite Y ourcenarcan be considered four outstanding representatives of the unique European intellectual tradition that is characterised by its critical sense and respect for freedom of the individual. It is for this reason that they have been awarded the Erasmus Prize. The essays included in this book are devoted to these four personalities, a Frenchman strongly influenced by the German philosophical tradition, a Russian who has settled in Oxford, a philosopher banned from his native Poland, and a Frenchwoman of Belgian origin living in America. Each has demonstrated in his or her own way that the ideas on and ideals of European culture and tradition are oflasting value. Each recognizes that human values can only flourish in a pluralistic society, a society in which 'Ie juste milieu' must constantly be sought. The temptation to succumb to monistic, dogmatic and intolerant tendencies that continue to threaten our civilisation not only from the outside but also from within, must be continually resisted. The dignity of man reaches full maturity first and foremost in a society in which man is the moulder and maker of himself and freedom of the individual stands central.

Assessing the dawn of the Anthropocene era, a poet and philosopher asks: How do we live at the end of the world? The end of the Holocene era is marked not just by melting glaciers or epic droughts, but by the near universal disappearance of shared social enterprise: the ruling class builds walls and lunar shuttles, while the rest of us contend with the atrophy of institutional integrity and the utter abdication of providing even minimal shelter from looming disaster. The irony of the Anthropocene era is that, in a neoliberal culture of the self, it is forcing us to consider ourselves as a collective again. For those of us who are not wealthy enough to start a colony on Mars or isolate ourselves from the world, the Anthropocene ends the fantasy of sheer individualism and worldlessness once and for all. It introduces a profound sense of time and events after the so-called "end of history" and an entirely new approach to solidarity. How to Live at the End of the World is a hopeful exploration of how we might inherit the name "Anthropocene," renarrate it, and revise our way of life or thought in view of it. In his book on time, art, and politics in an era of escalating climate change, Holloway takes up difficult, unanswered questions in recent work by Donna Haraway, Kathryn Yusoff, Bruno Latour, Dipesh Chakrabarty, and Isabelle Stengers, sketching a path toward a radical form of democracy—a zoocracy, or, a rule of all of the living.

L'idee d'entreprendre une edition critique des Regulce ad direction em ingenii s'est imposee a nous pendant que nous pre- parions un commentaire de ce traite inacheve de Descartes. Le texte etabli par Ch. Adam nous a, plus d'une fois, inspire certains doutes, qui nous invitaient a verifier les sources. C'est ainsi que nous avons ete amene a prendre en consideration la version hollandaise du XVIIe siecle, que 1'editeur de Descartes avait completement negligee. La collation du manuscrit de Hanovre avec l' editio princeps d' Amsterdam et l' examen de la version hollandaise nous ont permis de faire des retouches, quelquefois importantes, a 1'edition Adam. N ous tenons a remercier de leurs precieux conseils les Profes- seurs Dr. E. W. Beth, Dr. E. Garin, Dr. F. L. R. Sassen, Ie Dr. F. Veenstra, et tout particulierement Ie Prof. Dr. P. Dibon, dont I'infatigable assistance nous a ete tres precieuse surtout dans la derniere phase de nos travaux. Nous sommes, en outre, tres reconnaissant a M. Ie Directeur de la Niedersachsische Lan- desbibliothek de Hanovre pour Ie manuscrit qu'il a mis a notre disposition, et a M. Ie Directeur de l'Universiteitsbibliotheek d' Amsterdam pour l' exemplaire de la version hollandaise dont il nous a permis de publier Ie texte. Nous devons a Madame F. van Rossum-Guyon d'avoir rendu possible la traduction en franc;ais.

Recent devaluations of a liberal arts education call the formative concept of Bildung, a defining model of self-cultivation rooted in 18th and 19th century German philosophy and culture, into question and force us to reconsider what it once meant and now means to be an "educated" individual. This volume uses an arc of interdisciplinary scholarship to map both the epistemological origins and cultural expressions of the pivotal notion of Bildung at the heart of pursuit in the humanities. From its intriguing original historical manifestations to its continuing resonance in current ongoing debates surrounding the humanities, the editors urge us to ask and discover how the classical concept of Bildung, so central to humanistic inquiry, was historically imagined and applied in its original German context.

In High Theory/Low Culture , Brottman uses the tools of 'high' cultural theory to examine many areas of today's popular culture, including style magazines, sport, shopping, tabloid newspapers, horror movies and pornography. In doing so, she not only demonstrates the practical use of 'high' theory as it relates to our everyday world, but she also investigates the kinds of 'low' culture that are regularly dismissed by academic scholars. Through a close examination of these cultural forms, Brottman reveals how the kinds of popular culture that we usually take for granted are, in fact, far more complex and sophisticated than is normally assumed.

The Center maintained its international contacts in 1979 by inviting num- erous foreign scholars to the National Conference at Viterbo, including H. Kochler (Austria), R. Magliola (U.S.A.), J. C. Piguet (Switzerland), M. R. Barral (U.S.A.) and M. Petit (France), and also by extending hospitality at its April Seminar (held at the Teacher Training Faculty of Rome University) to Prof. H. Meyn of The World Phenomenology Institute, who spoke on His- toricism and the Idea of Philosophy as a Rigorous Science. The activities organized by The Italian Center since its foundation have given a considerable new impulse to phenomenological research in Italy. They have made established contacts between numerous Italian scholars who pre- viously worked in isolation without a continued and effective exchange of the results of their researches, and they have also strengthened and extended relations with the international phenomenological community, thereby creat- ing a cultural pattern of cooperation which becomes more and more concrete and fruitful.

The primary focus of this collection by leading medieval historians is the laity, in particular the ideas and ideals of lay people. The contributors explore lay attitudes as expressed in legal cases, charters, chronicles and collective activities. Highlights the centrality of kinship, whilst stressing its limitations as an all purpose social bond. Ranges chronologically and geographically from the seventh century to the eve of the Reformation, from Western Britain to papal and urban Italy, from Carolingian dynastic politics to the decline of medieval pilgrimage in the sixteenth century, and from the courts of twelfth-century France to the fifteenth-century wards of London. -- .

This volume of essays is meant as a tribute to Alistair Crombie by some of those who have studied with him. The occasion of its publication is his seven tieth birthday - 4 November 1985. Its contents are a reflection - or so it is hoped - of his own interests, and they indicate at the same time his influence on subjects he has pursued for some forty years. Born in Brisbane, Australia, Alistair Cameron Crombie took a first degree in zoology at the University of Melbourne in 1938, after which he moved to Je sus College, Cambridge. There he took a doctorate in the same subject (with a dissertation on population dynamics - foreshadowing a later interest in the history of Darwinism) in 1942. By this time he had taken up a research position with the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries in the Cambridge Zoological La boratory, a position he left in 1946, when he moved to a lectureship in the his tory and philosophy of science at University College, London. H. G. Andrewa ka and L. C. Birch, in a survey of the history of insect ecology (R. F. Smith, et al., History of Entomology, 1973), recognise the importance of the works of Crombie (with which they couple the earlier work of Gause) as the principal sti mulus for the great interest taken in interspecific competition in the mid 194Os."

This is a study of the histories of the English Civil War or some aspects of it written in England or by Englishmen and Englishwomen or publish ed in England up to 1702, the year of the publication of the first volume of Clarendon's History of the Rebellion. By the terms of this definition, Clarendon is himself, of course, one of the historians studied. Clarendon's History is so formidable an achievement that all historians writing about the war before its publication have an air of prematureness. Nevertheless, as I hope the following pages will show, they produced a body of writing which may still be read with interest and profit and which anticipated many of the ideas and attitudes of Clarendon's History. I will even go so far as to say that many readers who have only a limited interest or no in terest in the Civil War are likely to find many of these historians interest ing, should their works come to their attention, for their treatment of the problems of man in society, for their psychological acuteness, and for their style. But while I intend to show their merits, my main concern will be to show how the Civil War appeared to historians, including Clarendon, who wrote within one or two generations after it, that is to say, at a time when it remained part of the experience of people still alive. A word is necessary on terminology."

"Martin should be commended for finding a niche in this vast literature and managing to say something original ... His book is worth reading because it reminds us of an important aspect of Enlightenment thinking, one that questioned the freedom of the will." . H-France

..". strongly recommended for specialists and advanced scholars of the period." . History: Review of New Books

..". a valuable contribution to the institutional history of the Jacobin clubs." . Canadian Journal of History

What view of man did the French Revolutionaries hold? Anyone who purports to be interested in the "Rights of Man" could be expected to see this question as crucial and yet, surprisingly, it is rarely raised. Through his work as a legal historian, Xavier Martin came to realize that there is no unified view of man and that, alongside the "official" revolutionary discourse, very divergent views can be traced in a variety of sources from the Enlightenment to the Napoleonic Code. Michelet's phrases, "Know men in order to act upon them" sums up the problem that Martin's study constantly seeks to elucidate and illustrate: it reveals the prevailing tendency to see men as passive, giving legislators and medical people alike free rein to manipulate them at will. His analysis impels the reader to revaluate the Enlightenment concept of humanism. By drawing on a variety of sources, the author shows how the anthropology of Enlightenment and revolutionary France often conflicts with concurrent discourses.

Xavier Martin is a Historian of Law and Professor at the Faculty of Law, Economics and Social Sciences at Angers University. He has published extensively on the ideology of the French Revolution and on the Code Civil of 1804."

Toutes ces belles contro[yen]erses Sur les religions di[yen]erses N'ont jamais produit aucun bien: Chacun s' anime pour la sienne; Et que fait-on pour la chretienne? On dispute, et l'on ne fait rien. - Saint-E[yen]remond, 1614-1703. This book asserts, contrary to Saint-E[yen]remond, that religious controversy on the eve of the Enlightenment was far from sterile or antichristian. In reconstructing a French religious debate of the era of the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, it shows how the debate allowed both lay and clerical thinkers of the late seventeenth century to discuss the critical issues of their own day. The Revocation era was an era of crisis not only for French Protestantism, but for Protestantism in general: the final acts of the English Revolution were played out during these years, and the northern maritime alliance against the Catholic Louis XIV took shape. The Revocation era was also a period of exciting intellectual ferment in religion, morality, politics and science. Although the topic of the religious debate in France was historical - the history of the Reformation, the discussion of the topic reflected both the crisis and ferment of the times.

First published in 1990, this book presents an original and comprehensive overview of Australian economic thought. The authors stress, by way of introduction, the many important innovative contributions Australian economists have made to thought worldwide. As the argument develops, the work of major figures is discussed in detail in addition to the role of different journals and economic societies.

Geoff Hodgson's innovative and important new book is about the future of economics as a viable discipline. It examines not only evolutionary economics but the development of economic theory during the twentieth century. The book reflects on the origins and consequences of the narrowing and increasing irrelevance of mainstream economics, suggesting that it will be inadequate to cope with the complex ideas of the new millennium. Geoff Hodgson analyses some of the attempts to redirect theoretical economics to real world issues. He proposes a move away from mathematical formalization, greater tolerance given to different approaches and the possibility of learning from other sciences especially biology. He suggests that the toleration of a plurality of theoretical approaches in economics - including institutional and evolutionary approaches - based on a common orientation towards real world economies is the best overall strategy for future theoretical advance. A unique and important contribution to our understanding, it will be welcomed by academics and researchers working in all fields of economics, especially evolutionary economics as well as by other social scientists.

By the time of Immanuel Kant, Berkeley had been called, among other things, a sceptic, an atheist, a solipsist, and an idealist. In our own day, however, the suggestion has been advanced that Berkeley is better understood if interpreted as a realist and man of common sense. Regardless of whether in the end one decides to treat him as a sub jective idealist or as a realist, I think it has become appropriate to inquire how Berkeley's own contemporaries viewed his philosophy. Heretofore the generally accepted account has been that they ignored him, roughly from the time he published the Principles of Human Knowledge until 1733 when Andrew Baxter's criticism appeared. The aim of the present study is to correct that account as well as to give some indication not only of the extent, but more importantly, the role and character of several of the earliest discussions. Secondarily, I have tried to give some clues as to the influence this early material may have had in forming the image of the "good" Bishop that emerged in the second half of the eighteenth century. For it is my hope that such clues may prove helpful in freeing us from the more severe strictures of the traditional interpretive dogmas."

Since the first appearance of this bibliography (1934, Oxford Uni versity Press), which has long been out of print, so much attention has been paid to Berkeley that a mere reprint would be inept. Besides bringing it up to date I have added collations of those editions of Berkeley's writings that were published in his lifetime. In doing so I have used a form of description simple enough for anyone to follow yet sufficient to enable librarians to check their catalogues and to identify copies in which the titlepage is missing or mutilated. As before, I have marked with an asterisk throughout the bibliography every book, edition and article that has not been seen by me or, in a few cases, by a competent friend. My primary interest not being bibliographical in the present-day highly technical sense, but philosophical, I have aimed chiefly at (a) providing advanced students (and their hard-pressed advisers) of Berkeley, or of the subjects on which he wrote, with a guide to the materials for research, and (b) displaying the range in time and place, and the direction, of the attention which he has attracted. These two aims account for the classification of the entries under a few general subject-headings and of the philosophical entries under countries, and for the arranging of the entries in each section or subsection in chrono logical order, the alphabetical ordering of the authors' names being given in the Index. To facilitate reference and cross-reference each entry is numbered."