Exploring the relationship between discourses of cultural hybridity and projects for social equality, The Caribbean Postcolonial reveals a far greater diversity of political and aesthetic practices of cultural hybridity than has been generally recognized in postcolonial and cultural studies. It uncovers the logics according to which some forms of hybridity are enshrined and others disavowed in the Caribbean imagination and in the disciplinary imagination of postcolonial studies. Exploring cultural formations ranging from mestizaje and creolization to mulatto and dougla aesthetics, from literature to music, theater, Hosay, and carnival, it examines the sources of the appeal of cultural hybridity for both nationalist and postnationalist agendas. The first book-length study to offer an explicitly comparative account of cultural hybridity in the postcolonial arena, The Caribbean Postcolonial is a forceful argument for historicizing theory. It intervenes in key debates around popular agency and cultural resistance, feminism and cultural nationalism, the relations between postmodernism and postcolonialism, and the status of nationalism in an era of globalization.

James and Goetze bring together contributors of varied backgrounds, ranging from evolutionary theorists to game theorists to analysts of specific ethnic conflict. Their work represents a coherent attempt at evaluating the usefulness of evolutionary theories for explaining ethnic phenomena and demonstrates how these theories can be applied in attempts to elucidate real-world behaviors.

This study found that kinship theory that posits evolved dispositions to form cooperative bonds with family, ethnic groups and other social groups may go a long way in accounting for the formation of ethnic groups. Also, ingroup-outgroup theory may contribute to understanding how group conflict commences. Likewise, the description of evolved mechanisms for discerning threat, for building reputations, and for recognizing individuals, groups, and states as possible cooperators and long-term allies may facilitate explanation of the outbreak and avoidance of group conflicts. This also may explain the design of conscious strategies for conflict prevention and resolution. Nonetheless, several contributors take a more critical stance and offer ample reason why building these explanations may prove elusive or at least troublesome given the complex character of human societies. This work is a provocative resource for scholars, students, and other researchers involved with ethnicity and ethnic conflict, international relations, social psychology, and social anthropology.

This book is the first in-depth examination of the 25 million Americans with the most intense hatred of President Obama-arguably the most Republican-friendly of recent Democratic presidents-and what the mindsets of these "Obama Haters" teach us about race and ethnicity in America today. Despite the fact that President Obama was raised by a white mother and white grandparents, and has two degrees from Ivy League universities, he has still been subject to intense racial hatred from a large number of Americans. Even after Obama's presidency, the "Obama Haters"-and their xenophobia, Islamophobia, and racism-will continue to shape American politics. America is certainly not post-racial, argues author Algernon Austin, PhD, a noted sociologist and author on racial issues who consults on race, politics, and economics in Washington, DC. In this book, he uses the Obama Haters as an appropriate jumping-off point to consider what strategies might begin to reduce racial animosity in the United States-a real concern, considering that demographic trends are likely to exacerbate and escalate race-based hatred in our society. Austin sets the stage for the discussion by establishing that President Obama is hardly liberal in the eyes of liberal political activists, raising the question of why Obama is so intensely hated by some conservatives. He then compares the views of the Obama Haters-estimated to be some 25 million strong-with conservatives, moderates, and liberals who are not Obama Haters. The author shows how the Obama Haters are distinctly more xenophobic, Islamophobic, and racist than political conservatives who are not Obama Haters, underscoring the fact that the Obama Haters are motivated by more than just conservatism. Offers a critique of Obama from the left on his health insurance reform, judicial and political appointments, civil liberties policies, educational reforms, and strategy for dealing with African American concerns Presents hard data showing that Obama Haters are so extreme in their conservatism and in their anti-immigrant, anti-Muslim, and anti-black attitudes that in comparison, Tea Party supporters appear to be moderate Boldly identifies strategies for dealing with white racial anxiety about a diversifying America Provides empirically derived estimates of the percentage of the American public with strong anti-black, anti-Latino, anti-immigrant, and anti-Muslim attitudes

Unique, timely, and up-to-date, this volume is the first comprehensive bibliography on Kurdish culture and society. Compiled to help students, educators, researchers, and policy makers find relevant information with ease, the book includes more than 930 items in four major languages--Arabic, English, French, and German. This work covers the fields of anthropology, archaeology, art, communication, demography, travel, economy, education, ethnicity, health, journalism, language, literature, migration, music, religion, social structure, urbanization, and women's studies. The volume includes books and book chapters, journal articles, Ph.D. dissertations, conference papers, articles in dictionaries and encyclopedias, and important Web sites. Essays provide an overview of Kurdish society as well as surveys of Kurdish life in Syria, the former Soviet Union, Europe, and Lebanon.

An invaluable guide for researchers interested in the Kurds and Kurdistan, this book will aid in the location of information that is highly diverse and scattered. With its focus on a timely subject, this book fills a major gap in the bibliographic literature.

Many African American women have had experiences of being stereotyped or judged based on the preconceived notions of service providers. Because of the assumptions of the provider, a service or product that is available is not accepted or accessed. This book seeks to show through the experience of a survivor, how it feels to be in need of a service yet unable to attain it. This book is about being able to walk side by side with survivors of color. The goal is to reduce the barriers faced by women of color by providing a framework for understanding the role of culture in domestic and sexual violence.

"Ch ree Thomas is deeply committed and passionate to end violence against women. She is a true advocate who really gets the human rights quality of "empowerment advocacy." "

Paula Callen, MCADSV Director of Program Services and Building the Safety Net Project

"It is far beyond the time that women of color have our voices heard around the service provision and understanding of our issues regarding domestic and sexual violence. Ch ree Thomas has a clear vision and innovative ideas for women of color leadership in this work. I know this book will serve as a guide to those of us who continue to advocate for women of color who have had to manage, navigate and process the pain of being assaulted and will prove to have solutions to how women of color can heal."

Kalimah Johnson, LMSW, LCSW

Assistant Professor

Marygrove College, Detroit

This book examines current policy discussions around the migration-development nexus and subjects them to rigorous conceptual and empirical criticism through a transnational lens, placing the current re-discovery of migrants as agents of development nexus into theoretical and historical perspective.

The role of race in politics, citizenship, and the state is one of the most perplexing puzzles of modernity. While political thought has been slow to take up this puzzle, Diego von Vacano suggests that the tradition of Latin American and Hispanic political thought, which has long considered the place of mixed-race peoples throughout the Americas, is uniquely well-positioned to provide useful ways of thinking about the connections between race and citizenship. As he argues, debates in the United States about multiracial identity, the possibility of a post-racial world in the aftermath of Barack Obama, and demographic changes owed to the age of mass migration will inevitably have to confront the intellectual tradition related to racial admixture that comes to us from Latin America.
Von Vacano compares the way that race is conceived across the writings of four thinkers, and across four different eras: the Spanish friar Bartolome de Las Casas writing in the context of empire; Simon Bolivar writing during the early republican period; Venezuelan sociologist Laureano Vallenilla Lanz on the role of race in nationalism; and Mexican philosopher Jose Vasconcelos writing on the aesthetic approach to racial identity during the cosmopolitan, post-national period. From this comparative and historical survey, von Vacano develops a concept of race as synthetic, fluid and dynamic -- a concept that will have methodological, historical, and normative value for understanding race in other diverse societies."

Ethnic and religious rivalries are major sources of conflict in South Asia and interpretations of the past are integral parts of the conflict. Udayakumar and his contributors provide a careful and comprehensive analysis of the interface between history writing, identity constructions, and intergroup relations. Providing a range of theoretical deliberations, they examine specific South Asian conflicts such as the Kashmir issue, Hindu-Muslim conflict, Sinhalese-Tamil strife, and the human rights struggles of oppressed castes.

With a view to understanding the ethnic and religious rivalries that have come to be a major source of conflict in South Asia, Udayakumar and his contributors analyze the interface between interpretations of the past, identity construction practices, and intergroup relations.

With general theoretical perspectives, contributors help to explain the various ethnic conflicts in South Asia and other parts of the world. The role of history, narratives, and violent pathologies in those conflicts are also explained. Some of the most prominent South Asian conflicts such as the Kashmir decision, Ramjanmabhumi temple, and historicity of caste system in India and the first comer controversy in Sri Lanka are analyzed in detail. One of the major conclusions reached is that there is an element of bigotry in certain historiographies and these bigoted histories and ethnic/religious histrionics build on and contribute to each other and thrive in certain environments. Elevating this debate to a more political level, the essays highlight the role of human agency in the decision to remain handcuffed to bigoted histories or to be more aware and struggle for new beginnings. They also examine the prospects and possible means of negating the unity of history and metanarratives (with their characteristic pathologies and violence) and proliferating many histories told from diverse perspectives. This book is a stimulating collection for scholars, students, and researchers dealing with South Asian history as well as current ethnic, political, and military tensions in the region.

The peoples of Africa are neither ethnically, culturally, nor religiously homogeneous. European colonial powers took little note of this reality in carving up the continent, a fact reflected in the periodic outbreak of civil wars since decolonialization. Likewise, Western European models of development, whether in their liberal or Marxist manifestations, have so far failed to meet African development needs. The path to stability in Africa is through its people's character and goals. Almanac of African Peoples and Nations provides an essential guide to the major ethnic groups of the African continent, highlighting the major contributions and basic features of each.

The Almanac reviews Africa's language families and their respective national and geographic concentrations, explaining ethnic classification based on linguistic difference and including language groups that are not indigenous to Africa. The major African peoples are then listed by country with a statistical breakdown on their respective shares in the total population of each country and maps indicating their concentration. The major section of the volume includes a comprehensive listing and descriptive profile of each ethnic, national, and tribal group detailing their history, customs, economic systems, and political and social organizations. The Almanac points out as well which groups support revisionist political aspirations and shows the internal and external pressures they are subject to. Yakan notes that African societies are not highly integrated and must support multitudes of influential sub-cultures with conflicting agendas and loyalties. Arguing that tribalism reflects Africa's historical experience and culturalheritage, he sees the resolution of the continent's problems in consociational democracy, proportional representation, federalism, or some form of autonomous rule.

The movement of people from small towns and villages of India to places outside the country raises a number of questions- about the networks that enable their mobility, the aspirations that motivate them, what they give back to their home regions, and how their provincial home worlds engage with and absorb the consequent transnational flows of money, ideas, influence and care. This book analyzes the social consequences of the transmission of migrant resources to provincial places in India. Bringing together case studies from four regions, it demonstrates that these flows are very diverse, are inflected by regional histories of mobility and development, and may reinforce local power structures or instigate social change in unexpected ways. The chapters collected in this volume examine conflicts over migrant-funded education or rural development projects, how migrants from Dalit, Muslim and other marginalized groups use their new wealth to promote social progress or equality in their home regions, and why migrants invest in property in provincial India or return regularly to their ancestral homes to revitalize ritual traditions. These studies also demonstrate that diaspora philanthropy is routed largely through social networks based on caste, community or kinship ties, thereby extending them spatially, and illustrate how migrant efforts to 'develop' their home regions may become entangled in local politics or influence state policies. This collection of eight original ethnographic field studies develops new theoretical insights into the diverse outcomes of international migration and the influences of regional diasporas within India. These collected studies illustrate the various ways in which migrants remain socially, economical and politically influential in their home regions. The book develops a fresh perspective on the connections between transnational migration and processes of development, revealing how provincial India has become deeply globalized. It will be of interest to academics and students in the fields of anthropology, geography, transnational and diaspora studies, and South Asian studies.

This volume explores the panic that is a central affective register of our current international order. Fears of Somali pirates, "Gypsy" kidnappers, African warlords, Ebola, "Mexican meth," pimps, coyotes, gangs, climate refugees and more, structure the dark side of a metropolitan unconscious. These are terrors over things that (might) cross borders, threatening the sanctity of territoriality and capital. Inspired by scholarship challenging panics around human and sex trafficking, the contributors to this volume develop the umbrella category of the global moral panic. Embracing the challenge of grasping a phenomenon not previously regarded as cohering, they consider panics provoked by travel, passage, transgression; panics over bodies that move. Like panics over trafficking, the episodes narrated here ride and feed a field of common sense regarding crime, rights, and state power. Their logics of victims and villains nourish notions of the centrality of punishment, drawing from and feeding taxonomies of gender, race, and nation, solidifying the order craved by capital. They spotlight the coloniality of power, the ongoing salience of empire, the savior logics of rescue, and the profound sexism organizing hierarchies of bodies and places. Panic, this volume diagnoses, is a crucial, undertheorized facet of contemporary local-global relations.

This book examines the lived reality of 'everyday multiculturalism', and the ways that young people make sense of the diverse world around them. Currently we know very little about how multiculturalism shapes our lives, our interactions and our identity. This is especially pertinent for young people. How do young people from largely white, disadvantaged backgrounds interpret multiculturalism? How do they engage with people from 'different' minority ethnic and faith communities? How do they negotiate the challenges that arise within ever-diversifying environments? Drawing on empirical research, Stevie-Jade Hardy uncovers the fears and tensions that both undermine, and are caused by, doing multiculturalism. In doing so, she shines a light on the 'hidden' phenomenon of youth hate crime perpetration. This book will be of particular interest to scholars of criminology, sociology and cultural studies, as well as to professionals and policy-makers working in the fields of diversity and hate crime.

With immigration fulfilling the role of population maintenance in many Western democracies, how should newcomers be welcomed? Pfeffer argues that states ought to promote group integration for communities that have settled through immigration, facilitating the development of group institutions that enable communication with the receiving society.

Illustrating new resistance strategies and mobilisations, this volume examines how EU citizens and refugee populations in Germany have opposed asylum policies and coped with hostile migration regimes. Taking as her starting point occupations of a Berlin square in 2012, the author weaves an auto-ethnographic account of her own involvement in solidarity and refugee resistance groups with archival examinations of various strategies. The book analyzes how activism is sustained in multiple ways: media solidarity groups challenge mainstream depictions; radio shows attempt to decolonize the media and resist the category of 'refugee'; a group of women comprised of migrants and asylum-seekers publish their accounts; solidarity groups help migrants to find temporary housing; campaigns align with existing groups or engage with political conversations more broadly to challenge populism, racism, and anti-migrant sentiment. As she bridges practical solidarity, media activism, and other strategies, Fazila Bhimji builds a framework to show how these tactics interrelate, interrogating specifically if the fragmentation of strategies limits anti-racist struggles, or whether providing manifold outlets for a collective struggle helps to build solidarity.

This book examines contemporary attitudes towards ethnic minorities in Germany. These minorities include some of immigrant origin, such as Italians, Turks, and asylum seekers, and the principal non-immigrant minority, Jews. While the findings demonstrate that intense prejudice against minorities is not widespread among Germans, many of whom in fact can be considered immigrant- and minority-friendly, a crystallization of attitudes is also evident: that is, attitudes towards immigrants are strongly correlated with anti-Semitism and with other worldview dimensions, such as positioning in the left-right political spectrum. In this sense, the fundamental question of whether immigrants and other minorities should be regarded as fellow citizens or ethnic outsiders remains relevant in the German context.

The two main arguments in the book are to contest the reduction of African civil wars to ethnic conflicts, and to point out the emergence of civil wars as the result of political struggles. The construction of Africa as the "other" has entailed that factors commonly used to explain war elsewhere have been neglected in Sub-Saharan Africa. The book aims at bringing the political power struggle as it evolves around the state to the forefront in analyses of civil wars and societal conflict.

Central and Eastern Europe has a long history of, on the one hand, ethnic conflicts and, on the other, of a revolutionary tradition against expansionism. Both have their roots in the geographical situation and ethnic composition of the region. All these problems have surfaced at times when the political status quo has been upset for some reason, such as after the two world wars and after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Both great powers bordering the Danube region - Germany and Russia - have strived to develop their own versions of confederations (Mitteleuropa and Pan-Slavic movements). Also, politicians and intellectuals of the countries affected have proposed various theories, and made initiatives for different forms of closer and looser confederative formations. This book examines the reasons for the failure of these initiatives, these reasons including such factors as ethnically-motivated political antagonism, and the lack of economic complementarity. Contributing information on the problems of political and economic integration, which should not be forgotten in a period when the countries of the region are looking towards the European Union, expecting - realistically or not - the solution of their various conflicts.