Reprojecting the City takes a radical new look at the cinematic city through a queer perspective from the global south. Placing centre-stage the intersection of dissident sexuality with capitalism, globalisation and urban development, it shows how recent Latin American films rework our understandings of urban space and disrupt 'Western' imaginations of city life and sexuality in the majority world. Fusing a queer perspective with a range of other critical approaches, Hoff takes current debates beyond the now well-trodden narratives of dependency and subalternity to a new space in which the so-called 'periphery' is relocated back to the centre of things. Latin American cinematic cities, emerge not merely as marginal spaces of prejudice, discrimination, exclusion and violence also ones of hope, empowerment and productive possibility firmly implicated in the global (re)production of sexualities and sexual discourses.

Connecting the views of the Hull-House and early Chicago sociologists to issues of race and gender, Deegan offers a new perspective on race relations in Chicago from 1892 until 1960. She challenges the assumption that race relations activists had to choose either to align with W.E.B. DuBois or Booker T. Washington if they studied American race relations. Questioning the "established accounts" concerning the so-called Chicago way of thinking and doing sociology at the University of Chicago, she expands the role of the Chicago School of Race Relations by including more scholars, more political action, and more years within its compass. By examining the relationship between Hull-House, female and African-American sociologists, and the early Chicago school, Deegan dispels some of the common misconceptions that view Hull-House, especially, as an elitist, prejudiced, and moralistic institution. Chicago was a tumultuous place in 1892: immigration, industrialization, urbanization, and corruption created an atmosphere of profound change. Rising to the challenge, Jane Addams and her social settlement Hull-House saw hope for a new moral order and worked closely with friends and colleagues at the newly opened University of Chicago. Both institutions became centers for the study of society, including the peculiar nature of American race relations. Here, Deegan connects the views of the Hull-House and early Chicago sociologists to issues of race and gender, especially to the now-famous accounts of the Chicago school of sociology and its subgroup, the Chicago School of Race Relations. This thoughtful and carefully articulated analysis sheds light on the ways in which institutions and the peopleassociated with them helped to shape sociological thought about race relations in particular and sociology in general.

Unpardonable Crimes: The Legacy of Fidel Castro presents a series of stories that, although written as fiction, are based on real events told author Celestino Heres by his family and friends. Everyone has a story to tell, and oftentimes there is a story behind a story. Many of the events that actually occurred in Cuba prior to, during, and after the Revolution might never have been made public; this collection attempts to counteract that secrecy. The first story, "From Buchenwald to Connecticut," is the story of Heres's father-in-law, Raul, a jewelry manufacturer in Cuba. "Bitter Victory" was related to Heres by his two dearest friends, who suffered imprisonment in Castro's gulag. The rest of the tales were born from the myriad conversations he had with many Cuban friends over more than forty years. As is often the case with stories of war, many stories of the Cuban people will go to the graves with the men and women who lived them, like footprints in the sand after the rising of the tide. This collection demonstrates the common threads of the struggle of Cubans to survive under the cruel oppression of Fidel Castro and Fidel's betrayal of his own people.

When Captain John Smith stepped ashore in the New World to found the Jamestown Settlement in 1607, the Chickahominy Indians were there. If you have wondered what life was like in the 1600's from the perspective of the First Americans, this brief ethnohistory will tell you the truth you may not have read in your school history books. The Chickahominy Indians-Eastern Division are the 21st century ancestors of the Indians who kept the colonizers alive and showed them how to grow the tobacco that made them rich. Four hundred years later, the ancestors of those Indians live in relative obscurity in the Tidewater area of Virginia. Find out what life was like then and how the modern Indians have survived in an often hostile and unfriendly world.

Governmental social institutions are responsible for major policy decisions that deeply affect our everyday lives. This edited collection analyzes the effects of the main macro-social systems--law and politics, economic development, education, social welfare, health, mental health, transportation, housing, and religion--on the lives of African Americans, Hispanics, Asians, and Native Americans. The contributors, who are experts with the particular fields they address, reveal that macro-social systems are characterized by widespread, severe discrimination in the form of laws, attitudes, and behaviors towards ethnic minorities. Their analyses, which include both historical and contemporary perspectives, are accompanied by suggestions for policy measures aimed at improving the lives of ethnic minorities.

This book examines the close relationship between the portrayal of foreigners and the delineation of culture and identity in antebellum American writing. Both literary and historical in its approach, this study shows how, in a period marked by extensive immigration, heated debates on national and racial traits, during a flowering in American letters, encouraged responses from American authors to outsiders that not only contain precious insights into nineteenth-century America's self-construction but also serve to illuminate our own time's multicultural societies. The authors under consideration are alternately canonical (Emerson, Hawthorne, Melville), recently rediscovered (Kirkland), or simply neglected (Arthur). The texts analyzed cover such different genres as diaries, letters, newspapers, manuals, novels, stories, and poems.

The game of football has undergone massive changes in the past few decades. The creation of the F.A. Premier League, the influx of television revenue, the commercialization of the game, and the growth in the numbers of foreign players have all left their mark. One area that has attracted increasing interest in the media and amongst the pages of football magazines is the issue of race and racism in football. But until now, the complexities of the situation have often been neglected in the midst of moral activism. Why has football become such an important arena for the expression of racist and xenophobic attitudes? How are racial and ethnic identities constructed and re-constructed in everyday social interactions and ritual gatherings? This highly readable and accessible book provides the first systematic and empirically grounded account of the role of race, nation and identity within contemporary football cultures. Focused around the four clubs on which the authors did their research, the book shows how different clubs understand and experience race in different ways. Looking at football at a national level, the authors trace the history of racism and its impact on the contemporary game. The emphasis throughout is on the changing role of racial and ethnic identity in football over the years. This book draws on research conducted at the height of campaigning activity within the game, as well as on contemporary scholarship about racism and sport. It will be essential reading for anyone interested in football, sport, race and ethnic studies.

More than ever before, ethnic struggle finds expression in the growing incidence and scale of displaced persons and refugee flows, as well as in exacerbated levels of ethnic minority abuse and involuntary assimilation. Demographic and political sources of instability in multi-ethnic societies assure the continuing significance of ethnic strife and the potential for intrastate ethnic violence far into the next millennium. While not all disagreements between ethnic groups can be expected to escalate into violence, more than a few have produced intractable and destructive conflicts, and one or more of these conflicts could ultimately reach levels that overwhelm international resources and capabilities.

Carment and Harvey examine how regional and international security organizations can prevent destructive ethnic conflict and manage cases in which violence already is at hand. First they develop a conceptual framework for advancing basic research on the prevention and management of intrastate ethnic violence. They evaluate theoretical knowledge about the nature of ethnic conflict, using case material and quantitative assessments, and they apply these assumptions against recent instances of conflict management through an in-depth study of NATO's involvement in Kosovo and Bosnia. This book serves as an important research tool for students, scholars, and policy makers involved with ethnic conflict and international relations.

Lynch's passionately argued book asks: How did controversial social policy that lacked public support nonetheless become institutionalized? The social policy Lynch examines is affirmative action. . . . Lynch condemns the sloppy, fearful thinking that has converted affirmative action into quotas and that has kept social researchers shying away from this explosive topic. Choice Anyone interested in race relations and sex roles in the United States must read this book. Social Forces More and more questions have surfaced in the past decade concerning the wisdom and fairness of affirmative action programs. In this book, Lynch takes a hard look at affirmative action policy development and the social and ethical implications of a system that promotes gender and race as criteria for vocational advancement and educational opportunity. He focuses on the experiences of white males who have been victims of reverse discrimination under such programs and explores the lackluster response from government, the media, and employing institutions. Lynch examines the political taboo that for two decades effectively stifled discussion of the issues that affirmative action raises in both public discourse and scholarly analysis. He reviews the original ideals and purposes of affirmative action and contrasts them with the program as it has actually operated in everyday work settings. In case studies based on interviews and other data, Lynch assesses the reactions of white males to affirmative action barriers, as well as their impact on co-workers, friends, and relatives. He describes the role of the mass media, the social sciences, and ideological elites in creating a conspiracy of silence concerning the hidden and unintended consequences of affirmative action policies. The only study that deals specifically with the impact of affirmative action on white males, this book will appeal to academic and general readers with an interest in public policy, law, political science, sociology, and social psychology.

Laham analyzes perhaps the most politically controversial element of Reagan's conservative agenda, involving his attempt to curtail federal enforcement of civil rights laws. The book focuses on the major initiatives Reagan pursued in his attempt to curb enforcement of those laws: first, his efforts to reform affirmative action by prohibiting mandatory employer use of minority and white female hiring goals, and second, his veto of the Civil Rights Restoration Act. Reagan's academic critics argue that the president was politically motivated in his efforts to curtail federal enforcement of civil rights laws by his desire to appeal for the support of working-class whites, many of whom harbor racial resentments against minorities. Reagan's historical reputation suffers from his attempt to curb enforcement of those laws, which has fostered charges by his critics that he was cynical and manipulative, though outwardly pleasant and likable; a president who shamelessley played the race card for his own political gain. Laham challenges the conventional notion that Reagan was an ardent practitioner of the politics of racial division. Rather, he argues that Reagan's civil rights policy was determined by his philosophical commitment to colorblind justice and limited government, two core principles of his conservative agenda. This is a controversial survey important to students and scholars of contemporary American politics, public policy, and race relations.

This book examines the clothing worn by African Americans in the southern United States during the thirty years before the American Civil War. Drawing on a wide range of sources, most notably oral narratives recorded in the 1930s, this rich account shows that African Americans demonstrated a thorough knowledge of the role clothing played in demarcating age, sex, status, work, recreation, as well as special secular and sacred events. Testimonies offer proof of African Americans' vast technical skills in producing cloth and clothing, which served both as a fundamental reflection of the peoples' Afrocentric craftsmanship and aesthetic sensibilities, and as a reaction to their particular place in American society. Previous work on clothing in this period has tended to focus on white viewpoints, and as a consequence the dress worn by the enslaved has generally been seen as a static standard imposed by white overlords. This excellent study departs from conventional interpretations to show that the clothing of the enslaved changed over time, served multiple functions and represented customs and attitudes which evolved distinctly from within African American communities. In short, it represents a vital contribution to African American studies, as well as to dress and textile history, and cultural and folklore studies.

The height of colonial rule on the African continent saw two prominent religious leaders step to the fore: Desmond Tutu in South Africa, and Abel Muzorewa in Zimbabwe. Both Tutu and Muzorewa believed that Africans could govern their own nations responsibly and effectively if only they were given the opportunity. In expressing their religious views about the need for social justice each man borrowed from national traditions that had shaped policy of earlier church leaders. Tutu and Muzorewa argued that the political development of Africans was essential to the security of the white settlers and that whites should seek the promotion of political development of Africans as a condition of that future security. Desmond Tutu and Abel Muzorewa were both motivated by strong religious principles. They disregarded the possible personal repercussions that they might suffer as a result of their efforts to alter the fundamental bases of their colonial governments. Each man hoped to create a new national climate in which blacks and whites could cooperate to build a new nation. Each played a part in eventual independence for Zimbabwe in 1980 and for South Africa in 1994. Mungazi's examination of their efforts reveals how individuals with strong convictions can make a difference in shaping the future of their nations.

For decades the U.S. territory of Puerto Rico and the Canadian province of Quebec have been riveted by the politics of nationalism, the question of their final status, and the protection of their local languages. In the name of cultural defense, the legislatures in San Juan and Quebec City have passed several laws focusing on protecting the vernacular. Barreto explores these two cases and challenges some general preconceived notions about nationalist movements. A common premise in ethnic conflict studies is that nationalism is caused by cultural traits, such as language or religion, or is a result of a region's subservient economic role vis-a-vis the country's core. However, Barreto contends that Puerto Rican and Quebecois elites turned to nationalism in reaction to their social marginalization and economic suppression. Anglophone elites in the U.S. and Canada established a hegemonic order making English a requirement for social and economic ascendancy. Shunned by the country's dominant group on account of their language, elites in Puerto Rico and Quebec took up the banner of nationalism attempting to establish a "counter-hegemonic" order. Thus, nationalism, Barreto contends, is an unanticipated reaction to the exclusionary attitudes and policies of one group against another. This analysis is important to political scientists, social scientists, and researchers involved with nationalism, ethnic conflict, and Puerto Rican and Canadian studies.

Nelson provides a study of the ways in which Anglo-American authors constructed "race" in their works from the time of the first British colonists through the period of the Civil War. She focuses on some eleven texts, ranging from widely-known to little-considered, that deal with the relations among Native, African, and Anglo-Americans, and places her readings in the historical, social, and material contexts of an evolving U.S. colonialism and internal imperialism. Nelson shows how a novel such as The Last of the Mohicans sought to reify the Anglo historical past and simultaneously suggested strategies that would serve Anglo-Americans against Native Americans as the frontier pushed further west. Concluding her work with a reading of Harriet Jacobs's Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl Nelson shows how that text undercuts the racist structures of the pre-Civil War period by positing a revised model of sympathy that authorizes alternative cultural perspectives and requires Anglo-Americans to question their own involvement with racism.

School systems around the world have been searching for ways to help engender better interpersonal relations among all persons within their borders. Achieving this goal is difficult when students have had limited cross-cultural experiences. This reference book examines developments in multicultural education in 42 representative countries from around the world. Each chapter examines the history and structure of the school system in a particular country, and discusses efforts to promote multicultural education. Chapters cite current literature, and an extensive bibliography concludes the work. Many countries are composed of highly diversified, pluralistic peoples who cry out for recognition and dignity. As a result, school systems around the world have been searching for ways to engender better interpersonal relations among all persons within their borders. Achieving this goal has proven difficult when students have had limited cross-cultural experiences. This reference book examines advances in multicultural education in 42 countries from around the world. Chapters are devoted to individual countries and are arranged alphabetically. Included are chapters on industrialized countries such as the United States, France, and Germany, along with countries having different political systems and varied religious perspectives. To foster comparison, each chapter discusses the history of the school system, the structure in which multicultural education must evolve, and recent efforts and developments in multicultural education. Each chapter includes a list of current references, and the volume concludes with an extensive bibliography.

From Classroom to Courtroom tells the story of how fifteen American university academics in a Middle Eastern Studies department got embroiled in serious unacademic conflicts with serious consequences. From 1994 onward, these academic colleagues made or faced official complaints and allegations of favoritism, intimidation, abuse, harassment, and racism, and charges of prevarication and dishonesty, and ethnic, religious, and gender discrimination. They initiated three or four faculty grievances. An exodus of graduate students from the department consequently took place. Five or six faculty careers ended in the process, which culminated in a law suit. From Classroom to Courtroom details behavior of the author and six or seven of his departmental colleagues and two university administrators in conflict situations within, between, and among the department's Arabic, Hebrew, Persian, and Turkish sections. The author develops this part of the narrative mostly through a paper trail of official letters, reports, memoranda, e-messages, and court deposition testimony In highlighting cross-cultural dimensions of cited conflicts, From Classroom to Courtroom suggests arguably culture-specific behavior on the part of departmental colleagues, only two of them born in America. Such behavior, the book implies, may derive from cultural conflicts between some academics of Arab, Iranian, and Israeli origin, on the one hand, and American academics of European origin, on the other, between some Muslim and Christian Arabs and some Jewish Israelis, and between some Middle Eastern and American men and some Middle Eastern women. In its chronological narrative leading up to a law suit filed by an Arab Muslim woman academic against her department and college, From Classroom to Courtroom also tells the story of the book's author and first-person narrator, describing the daily life of a Middle East language/literature professor at a large state university, a life of teaching, writing, departmental politics, family, and travel.

In this history of the social and human sciences in Mexico and the United States, Karin Alejandra Rosemblatt reveals intricate connections among the development of science, the concept of race, and policies toward indigenous peoples. Focusing on the anthropologists, sociologists, biologists, physicians, and other experts who collaborated across borders from the Mexican Revolution through World War II, Rosemblatt traces how intellectuals on both sides of the Rio Grande forged shared networks in which they discussed indigenous peoples and other ethnic minorities. In doing so, Rosemblatt argues, they refashioned race as a scientific category and consolidated their influence within their respective national policy circles. Postrevolutionary Mexican experts aimed to transform their country into a modern secular state with a dynamic economy, and central to this endeavor was learning how to ""manage"" racial difference and social welfare. The same concern animated U.S. New Deal policies toward Native Americans. The scientists' border-crossing conceptions of modernity, race, evolution, and pluralism were not simple one-way impositions or appropriations, and they had significant effects. In the United States, the resulting approaches to the management of Native American affairs later shaped policies toward immigrants and black Americans, in Mexico, officials rejected policy prescriptions they associated with U.S. intellectual imperialism and racial segregation.

From the silent era through the 1950s, the U.S. Department of Agriculture was the preeminent government filmmaking organization. In the United States, USDA films were shown in movie theaters, public and private schools at all educational levels, churches, libraries and even in open fields. For many Americans in the early 1900s, the USDA films were the first motion pictures they watched. And yet USDA documentaries have received little serious scholarly attention. The lack of serious study is especially concerning since the films chronicle over half a century of American farm life and agricultural work and, in so doing, also chronicle the social, cultural, and political changes in the United States at a crucial time in its development into a global superpower.

Focusing specifically on four key films, Winn explicates the representation of African Americans in these films within the socio-political context of their times. The book provides a clearer understanding of how politics and filmmaking converged to promote a governmentally sanctioned view of racism in the U.S. in the early 20th century.

Russell tests the U.S. Supreme Court's assumption that the procedure used to select jurors who impose the death penalty does not inject racial bias into the jury. In Georgia, those who supported the death penalty and were placed on juries were more likely to sentence black defendants to death. Further, those who supported the death penalty tend to hold attitudes that are linked to racial bias and act as surrogate measures for racial bias. He also finds no support in his analysis for the results of other research that indicate that death penalty jurors are conviction prone. Although earlier empirical evidence has suggested a consistent pattern of race-related differential sentencing, Russell's study is the first to demonstrate that the death qualification tends to eliminate moderate attitudes and concentrate racial bias in death penalty juries. "The Death Penalty and Racial Bias" suggests a clear direction for future policy research into the neutrality of death-qualified juries.