Lawyer, doctor, scientist--these are the jobs Americans commonly cite when asked to list the most prestigious occupations. The word "professional" today implies expertise, authority, and excellence. To do a job professionally is to do it well. Yet in a society in which knowledge has become a prized asset and an advanced degree the ticket to wealth and power, the rise of professionalism has a darker, more ominous side.
Power in the Highest Degree, one of the most comprehensive studies of professionals ever undertaken, exposes professionalism as a double-edged sword; it illustrates how experts have come to "own" and control knowledge, much like the wealthy control capital, thereby transforming capitalist and socialist society, both for better and for worse. Knowledge long predates money as a source of power and wealth in human society, and professionals are only the most recent in a long succession of powerful knowledge classes that have included shaman, witchdoctors, and the Confucian mandarins who ruled China for over a thousand years.
Drawing on interviews with over 1,000 practicing professionals, the authors show how, by dispensing self-interested and morally colored judgements as scientific truth, modern professionals are consolidating a monopoly over what passes for objective knowledge. Experts discredit the ordinary knowledge of the general public to generate a vast market of dependent clients. The result is a powerful professional class that creates vital new knowledge and life-saving services, but also wields growing influence over a population deeply insecure about its ability to manage private and public affairs without "expert" guidance.
This sweeping study also reveals that more and more experts are abandoning private practice to work for corporations, becoming junior partners in a new "Mandarin capitalism." While often outspoken advocates of a more socially responsible business world, professionals have joined big business to produce one of the most pronounced divisions of mental and manual work in history, creating a new dispossessed majority, the uncredentialed. We learn of an experiment at Polaroid to give machine operators more responsibility which is cancelled when managers and engineers decided that they "just didn't want operators that qualified." The authors argue that, as this new "mandarin" class radically transforms the social order, it helps to reform some of the traditional scourges of the business world, but also poses a new threat to equality in America. To reverse this trend, they propose a post-professional society that de-emphasizes skill hierarchies and substantially democratizes knowledge.
A bold and incisive new work of social criticism, this book provides a fascinating look at the modern professional and provokes Americans to think in a new way about democracy in the age of experts.

This book presents an integrated view of the three main approaches to organization - classical, human relations and systems - showing what each has of value to contribute and how they complement each other. The three approaches are introduced, followed by critical analysis. The main classical problems are reviewed in the light of the systems approach. Finally there is a comparative summary in tabular form, an illustrative systems study and a decision schedule.

This book showcases a critical sensemaking (CSM) study of how professional immigrants from Hong Kong to Canada make sense of their workplace experiences, and what this can tell us about why a substantial number leave in their first year in Canada. An analysis of the interviews demonstrates that immigrants' identities are grounded by contextual sensemaking elements. Data show that informants have accepted unchallenged assumptions: (1) that the government is providing help for them to "get in" the workplace; and (2) that the ethnic service organizations are offering positive guidance to their workplace opportunities. At the organizational level, a master discourse emphasizing integration has mediated immigrants' struggles. Within these frustrations, many have internalized a hidden discourse of inadequate or deficient selves and adopted a sacrificial position to maintain a positive sense of identity. The study concludes that a critical sensemaking approach allows greater insights into immigration processes than realist surveys, which tend to impose a pre-packaged sense of the immigrant experience. Through critical sensemaking, readers are encouraged to rethink the current role of ethnic service organizations in the immigration system.

Successive EU treaties may have instituted a common framework for fighting racial discrimination and intolerance across Europe, but it is a framework that masks the significant differences that arise as a result of national context: for example, pre-existing national anti-racist policies and legislation; the degree of success, character and development of anti-racist movements as well as the political, socio-economic and cultural context in which these policies and movements arise. The aim of this book is to provide an understanding of these different national contexts by exploring the nature of anti-racist movements in six different EU member states and their relationship to political institutions and policy-making, while also reflecting on the impact of the new European sphere of decision-making. Drawing on extensive primary research involving interviews with movement and policy actors at the national and EU level, the book sheds light on the nature of racism and responses to it across Europe, analysing the impact of Europeanisation of policy-making on the sector, and exploring north-south and east-west differences and patterns of convergence.

The eviction at Dale Farm in the UK in 2011 brought the conflicting issues relating to Gypsy and Traveller accommodation to the attention of the world's media. However, as the furore surrounding the eviction has died down, the very pressing issues of accommodation need, inequality of access to education, healthcare and employment, and exclusion from British (and European) society is still very much evident. This topical book examines and debates a range of themes facing Gypsies and Travellers in British society, including health, social policy, employment and education. It also looks at the dilemmas faced in representing disadvantaged minority groups in media and political discourse, theories on power, control and justice and the impact of European initiatives on inclusion. Gypsies and Travellers: Empowerment and inclusion in British society will be of interest to students, academics, policy makers, practitioners, those working in the media, police, education and health services, and of course to Gypsies and Travellers themselves.

With the ethnic, cultural and religious diversity that is a feature of European societies today, pluralism is experienced in new and challenging ways. In many places, an urban cosmopolitan mix sits side by side with group-based expressions of faith and culture. The debate about the types of 'acceptance' that these situations require tend to follow new patterns. Increasing openness and respect for some may rest upon a reinforced intolerance towards others. This complicates and challenges our understanding of what it means for societies to be accepting, tolerant or respectful of cultural diversity in its various forms. This volume seeks to meet this challenge with perspectives that consider new dynamics towards tolerance, intolerance and respect.

Against a pre-Civil War backdrop of violence and antagonism, three courageous women, in different parts of the country, undertook to teach black children. Prudence Crandall, Margaret Douglass, and Myrtilla Miner lived, respectively, in Connecticut, Virginia, and Washington, D.C.: they each found that racial prejudice is not limited by geography and that people will go to great lengths to prevent the teaching of blacks. Of the three schools they established, only one--in the nation's capitol--proved more or less permanent, but all three had a significant impact on American life. Because they chose to teach black children, Miner, Douglass, and Crandall all endured persecution and hardship. Foner and Pacheco's important biographical study portrays three women of unusual courage who deserve to take their places with the many brave women of nineteenth-century America.

Western society has become increasingly diverse, but stereotypes still persist in the public discourse. This volume explores how people who have a marked status in society - among them Travellers, teenage mothers, homeless people - manage their identity in response to these stereotypes.

A thorough examination of philosophical and legal issues, "Affirmative Action and Principles of Justice" systematically explores a vitally important yet complicated and confounding subject. Affirmative action is also an emotionally loaded area of experience and one that is difficult to assess because of the strong sentiments that arise among individuals confronting the issue.

The book is divided into five sections: the first defines the principles of justice involved and delineates the issues; the second presents a legislative history of Title VII from early civil rights efforts through Kennedy's proposals on the subject, the Reagan EEOC, and Title VII and the Supreme Court; a third chapter scrutinizes early Title VII employment discrimination case law, defining discrimination and considering goals and quotas; a fourth chapter reviews landmark affirmative action cases and provides an overview of the state of affirmative action case law. The concluding chapter addresses affirmative action, policymaking, and statutory interpretation by surveying the legislative history of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, as well as early Title VII employment discrimination cases, and probing the philosophical basis of affirmative action. A must-read study for legal and legislative historians, students and scholars of the affirmative action process in the United States, policymakers, legislators, and practicing attorneys.

In 1964, sociologist William McCord, long interested in movements for social change in the United States, began a study of Mississippi's Freedom Summer. Stanford University, where McCord taught, had been the site of recruiting efforts for student volunteers for the Freedom Summer project by such activists as Robert Moses and Allard Lowenstein. Described by his wife as ""an old-fashioned liberal,"" McCord believed that he should both examine and participate in events in Mississippi. He accompanied student workers and black Mississippians to courthouses and Freedom Houses, and he attracted police attention as he studied the mechanisms of white supremacy and the black nonviolent campaign against racial segregation. Published in 1965 by W. W. Norton, his book, Mississippi: The Long, Hot Summer, is one of the first examinations of the events of 1964 by a scholar. It provides a compelling, detailed account of Mississippi people and places, including the thousands of student workers who found in the state both opportunities and severe challenges. McCord's work sought to communicate to a broad audience the depth of repression in Mississippi. Here was evidence of the need for federal action to address what he recognized as both national and southern failures to secure civil rights for black Americans. His field work and activism in Mississippi offered a perspective that few other academics or other white Americans had shared. Historian Francoise N. Hamlin provides a substantial introduction that sets McCord's work within the context of other narratives of Freedom Summer and explores McCord's broader career that combined distinguished scholarship with social activism.

Gender differences touch all aspects of life, including the different impact public policy has on men and women. Inequalities persist in the areas traditionally treated as feminist concerns--day care, pay equity, equal access to credit--but they also abound in such issues as tax policy and plant shutdowns. This collection of essays illustrates the durability and complexities of existing inequities by examining the impact of gender differences in public policy outcomes. The book evaluates the manner in which public policy analysis and political theory can be used to gain increased insight into the major issues of the day. Using existing forms of public policy analysis, the chapters explore gender differences in a variety of subject areas. Following an introduction by editor Mary Lou Kendrigan, a survey of compensation for victims of crime examines criminal justice policy. Four separate essays address the topic of employment policy: manufacturing-job loss among blue-collar women; gender differences in the impact of a plant shutdown; women, employment, and training programs; and sex differentials in employment rates in male-dominated occupations during economic downturns. Tax policy and its treatment of women is the focus of an updated study; an analysis of the impact of American tourism policy covers economic development; and the neglected group of women veterans represents the area of veterans policy. A study of the social world and political community of the head injured characterizes the issue of family policy, and a concluding chapter by Kendrigan completes the volume. For courses in public policy analysis, women's studies, and contemporary political theory, this book will be avaluable references source. It will also be a significant addition to the collections of public, college, and university libraries.

Emphasizing Frances Burney's professionalism and her courage, the author of this work aims to show the protean writer who recognized her abilities and exercised them, always carefully shaping her career. Though now frequently depicted as retiring, even fearful, Burney forced on her reading public themes they were scarcely ready for, flamboyantly mixing genres, writing comically about intimate violence. Not content in old age to be merely a literary icon, she privately recorded with increasing clarity the moments when the world lacerates the self.

In this landmark work, Neil Gilbert addresses the long-standing tensions between capitalism and the progressive spirit. Challenging the contemporary progressive outlook on the failures of capitalism, Capitalism and the Progressive Spirit analyzes the empirical evidence for conventional claims about the real level of poverty, the presumed causes and consequences of inequality, the meaning and underlying dynamics of social mobility, and the necessity for more social welfare spending and universal benefits. A careful reading of the research reveals that these issues are far less serious than contemporary progressive claims would have the public believe. Progressive leaders, however, remain firmly wedded to the established social agenda, which conveys a vision of the good society that disregards the historically unprecedented and wide-spread abundance in the advanced post-industrial countries. Meanwhile, the progressive agenda inadvertently caters to the corrosive effects of insatiable consumption and the commodification of everyday life, from which modern capitalism profits. The analysis suggests that it is time to resist the material definition of progress that stands so high on the current agenda and envision alternative ways for government to advance society.

Although equal employment opportunity laws are often at the center of political debate, it has been difficult for students, teachers, and concerned citizens to learn about the controversy over EEO. Contributions to our understanding are scattered, this collection of writings is a broad interdisciplinary introduction to the struggle for EEO and its consequences. No other collection brings together articles on theories of dis-criminations; competing theories about the likely impact of EEO laws; analyses of the laws' impact on women, blacks, and other minorities; and debates about affirmative action.

Although equal employment opportunity laws are often at the center of political debate, it has been difficult for students, teachers, and concerned citizens to learn about the controversy over EEO. Contributions to our understanding are scattered, this collection of writings is a broad interdisciplinary introduction to the struggle for EEO and its consequences. No other collection brings together articles on theories of dis-criminations; competing theories about the likely impact of EEO laws; analyses of the laws' impact on women, blacks, and other minorities; and debates about affirmative action.

The first comprehensive study in English of the earliest and largest 'Third-World' migration into pre-war Europe. Full attention is given to the relationship between the society of emigration, undermined by colonialism, and processes of ethnic organisation in the metropolitan context. Contemporary anti-Algerian racism is shown to have deep roots in moves by colonial elites to control and police the migrants and to segregate them from contact with Communism, nationalist movements and the French working class.

Daniel Dumile Qeqe (1929–2005), ‘Baas Dan’, ‘DDQ’. He was the Port Elizabeth leader whose struggles and triumphs crisscrossed the entire gamut of political, civic, entrepreneurial, sports and recreational liberation activism in the Eastern Cape. Siwisa tells the story of Qeqe’s life and times and at the same time has written a social and political biography of Port Elizabeth – a people’s history of Port Elizabeth. As much as Qeqe was a local legend, his achievements had national repercussions and, indeed, continue to this day.

Central to the transformation of sports towards non-racialism, Qeqe paved the way for the mainstreaming and liberation of black rugby and cricket players in South Africa. He co-engineered the birth of the KwaZakhele Rugby Union (Kwaru), a pioneering non-racial rugby union that was more of a political and social movement. Kwaru was a vehicle for political dialogues and banned meetings, providing resources for political campaigns and orchestrations for moving activists into exile.

This story is an attempt at understanding a man of contradictions. In one breath, he was generous and kind to a fault. And yet he was the indlovu, an imposing authoritarian elephant, decisively brutal and aggressive. Then there was Qeqe, the man whose actions were not in keeping with the struggle. This story narrates his role in ‘collaborationist’ civic institutions and in courting reactionary homeland structures, yet through all that he was the signal actor in the emancipation of rugby in South Africa.

This book analyses and bridges the gap between critical social research on race and politics by reviewing the academic field of race theorising and scholarship, covering changes in race and racism debates in recent decades, and assessing the extent, scope, and limits of academic engagements with, and impact on, policy and politics. This approach will take the reader through and beyond `impact' debates, public sociology and scholarship, racism, diversity, and post-race.

This book explains how one man swindled his Andean village twice. The first time he extorted everyone's wealth and disappeared, leaving the village in shambles. The village slowly recovered through the unlikely means of converting to Evangelical religions, and therein reestablished trust and the ability to work together. The new religion also kept villagers from exacting violent revenge when this man returned six years later. While hated and mistrusted, this same man again succeeded in cheating the villagers. Only this time it was for their lands, the core resource on which they depended for their existence. This is not a story about hapless isolation or cruel individuals. Rather, this is a story about racism, about the normal operation of society that continuously results in indigenous peoples' impoverishment and dependency. This book explains how the institutions created for the purpose of exploiting Indians during colonialism have been continuously revitalized over the centuries despite innovative indigenous resistance and epochal changes, such as the end of the colonial era itself. The ethnographic case of the Andean village first shows how this institutional set up works through-rather than despite-the inflow of development monies. It then details how the turn to advanced capitalism-neoliberalism-intensifies this racialized system, thereby enabling the seizure of native lands.